It’s the last day of 2021, a year that has seen too many needless deaths, and too much needless suffering. I am not pro-death – I am Pro-Life. Have a Happy New Year!!!
I am Pro Life.
So I believe in universal health insurance. Thatâs so every baby can get the pre-natal and birth care they need â and every child can get the medical care they require to be healthy. And every teenager, and twenty-something, and (whatever we call thirty and forty year olds), and middle agers and senior citizens can all get the health benefits they need for a good life, regardless of their financial status. The right to health should not be controlled by income.
I am Pro Life.
So I believe in child tax credits so parents can raise their children with good nutrition, warm clothes and homes, and a comfortable life. Every kid doesnât get to be âRichie Richâ, but every kid needs to have the basics of life.
I am Pro Life.
Education shouldnât be a matter of money, residence, race, gender, or identity.  Education is the key to lifetime success, to our originally Declared âpursuit of happinessâ.   Everyone has the right to that key.  So we should be paying not just for a free high school education, but for free (community) college education or vocational training.  And we should support those who donât have the foundation at home that enhances that education. Â
I am Pro Life.
Everyone should have the right to vote, to determine who governs us. Just because one political party seems unable to appeal to a majority of the nation, doesnât mean they get to change the rules to protect their power. Pro Life means pro-empowering everyone to vote.
I am Pro Life.
Folks should live the lives of their ârealâ selves, not ones enforced by artificial societal standards. We need to accept that our âbinaryâ life, isnât. We know, as a fact, that sexual identity is a spectrum, not necessarily determined by anatomy. So let people live as who they are, not what society says they âshouldâ be.
I am Pro Life.
Prisons ought to only be for violent criminals.  Non-violent crimes require non-prison solutions, and our prisons need to be places for real reform and re-entry to public life, not penitentiaries for punishment and profit-making.  Only the truly violent dangers to our society need to be restrained, and then only to the extent necessary to protect others.
I am Pro Life.
I am glad that American soldiers, my former students, are no longer at risk in Afghanistan and Iraq. And while there remain reasons that might require us to fight, those reasons need to be held to the highest standards. By the way, we were right to go there, but we were wrong to stay.
I am Pro Life.
So I donât believe the state should take a life as punishment: ever.
I am Pro Life.
Quality of life means more than quantity of life. Sufferers of fatal illnesses and injuries should not be required to live a life without quality. Society doesnât have a place in determining their choice, just an obligation to protect the integrity of the decision making process.
I am Pro Life.
As I believe we as a society should provide for our youngest, we should take care of our elderly as well. Living in silence because hearing aids are too expensive, living in darkness because vision is not a ârightâ, being unable to eat because dental care is âextraâ, is not Pro-Life. It is, in fact, anti-life. It values money over living.
I am Pro Life.
Our society needs to save our climate, and save our planet.  That is a role for government, one where the good of the many should out-weigh the profits of the few. Â
I am Pro-Life.
It infuriates me that the politics of our times are leading people to die from a disease that can be prevented. The “fruits” of modern science should be and are available. That there are those who are using “the politics” to their own advantage, and killing people in the process, is literally “pro-death”.
I am Pro-Life.
And yes, I believe it is NOT a right of anyone to impose their moral or religious beliefs on another. The term âpro-lifeâ has been mis-appropriated to mean anti-abortion. But it means so much more than that, and so much of the âpro-lifeâ movement is so neglectful of life after birth. So yes, I am pro-choice, because, as a man, abortion is clearly not MY decision. And as humans, we cannot enforce our moral or religious view on others. We can only try to live up to them ourselves. So next time you think about pro-life, think about more than just abortions. Because thatâs not pro-life, thatâs simply pro-birth.
And for my friends who are truly pro-life â really pro-lifetimes, not just pro-gestation – remember this. We have so much more in common than we have differences. Letâs work from the âmiddle groundâ where we can agree. Because we are all in favor of a better lifetime for everyone.
Two of Americaâs Founding Fathers, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, died on the same day. They were early allies, compatriots in developing the ideas that Jefferson brilliantly described in the Declaration of Independence. While they both were lawyers, they used their personal and regional differences: Adams a firebrand from Boston, Jefferson a scholarly man from Virginia; and joined the older Benjamin Franklin to shepherd the document through the Continental Congress.
Adams and Jefferson both went onto to serve in the Revolution, Adams in the Congress and Jefferson as Governor of Virginia, but came together again in France to negotiate the treaties to finally end the war and establish a new nation. Their âstylesâ clashed: Adams was a Boston âpuritanâ who looked with disdain at the excesses of the French royal court. Jefferson, like Franklin, was enamored with the intellectual breadth of the Age of Enlightenment, and with the luxuries Parisian social life provided.
Constitutional Government
And when a new government was instituted under the Constitution in 1787; both came back to serve President Washington and the Nation. Adams was Vice President, and Jefferson Secretary of State. They, along with the next generation of leaders like Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and others; clashed mightily over how the government should function.
Relations became so bitter that the friendship forged in Revolution was torn asunder. Through the Adamsâ Presidency they continued to fight, even as Jefferson was Vice President. And in 1800, Adamsâ left the new capital at Washington early, rather than see Jeffersonâs inauguration to replace him.
Old Men
They remained enemies through Jeffersonâs Presidency. But after they both retired from government life, the death of a comrade from the Revolution, Dr. Benjamin Rush, gave them pause. The generation that wrote the Declaration were in their seventies and eighties, and disappearing. In 1813, Jefferson wrote to Adams that only six remained of the fifty-five original signers. And so for the last thirteen years of their lives, they rekindled their friendship and regularly corresponded.
Like many old men, they seemed to choose the moment of their deaths. July 4th of 1826, the fiftieth anniversary of the signing of the Declaration and the beginning of the United States, saw the final moments of both men. Adams was ninety-one years old and Jefferson eighty-three. The last words of John Adamsâ: ââŚat least Jefferson still survivesâ. He didnât know that Jefferson was already gone.
Revolutionaries in the thirties, diplomats in their forties, government leaders in their fifties and sixties: they were the Revolutionary generation. They fought together. As Franklin said at the signing of the Declaration, âWe must all hang together, or most assuredly, we will all hang separatelyâ. They knew what was at risk â the final words of the Declaration itself made it clear: ââŚ(W)e mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honorâ.
Common Purpose
And they fought against each other, as representatives of different visions of what the American government, and society, should be. It was more than bitter; as ugly a public fight as we have today. Adams was âfat-shamedâ, called âHis Rotundityâ; and decried as wanting to become âKingâ and begin the âAdams Dynastyâ. Jefferson was derided for having a slave as his paramour, and being a coward for not serving in the Continental Army. It was the kind of campaign where the wounds are so deep and personal, they never heal. It was the kind of hatred we are so familiar with today.
But in their last years, the ideas they risked “their sacred honor” for brought them together again. As old men, now observers of the government they created, they had a commonality of purpose. These two intellectual giants of the Revolution found each other again.
The New Year
The end of a year seems to a time of choosing the end of life for our retired leaders. Just in the past few weeks, we have said goodbye to Bob Dole, a wounded World War II veteran and a power in the United States Senate for decades. And just two days ago, Harry Reid passed away, less than a decade after he retired from that same Senate.
Both were men known for their biting wit and insults. But both were fierce warriors for their parties and beliefs, and for their vision of America. They could battle for their causes but still respect their opponents, a trait that seems lost in our current political climate.
Todayâs essay, here at the end of 2021, is not to place blame for being in our current political circle of Hell. It is actually to point out that there is hope. Former friends, then bitter enemies Adams and Jefferson, reconciled at the end of their lives. America mourns both the loss of Bob Dole and Harry Reid. Maybe 2022 can offer some reconciliation, some hope. Or maybe weâll have to wait longer, for a new generation to takeover, like Hamilton and Burr from Adams and Jefferson.
On December 20th, 2020 an article describing a White House meeting appeared in the New York Times. The Trump White House, already in disarray from the election loss and the resignation or firing of several key officials, was trying to deal with a President who was still searching for a way to remain in Office. That day, I re-wrote the description of what went on in that meeting into a âmovie scriptâ. I titled the article âSeven Days in Decemberâ, a reference to the dark 1960âs fiction book and movie Seven Days in May, about a military coup to overthrow the President.
Itâs December 28th, 2021. We are just now getting a better understanding of what was really planned in that Oval Office meeting. We know that dramatic changes in the leadership of the Departments of Justice and Defense were aimed at âsoftening them upâ for a potential revolt. And we know that the Trump campaign was building a âmobâ for January 6th, one that would be directed to march on the Capitol Building. There was a âcoup headquartersâ, led by Steve Bannon in the Willard Hotel. A central figure, former General Michael Flynn, had his brother, also a General assigned to the Pentagon, in a key decision-making role. And we all know what happened after that.
A Real Plan
John Eastman developed the legal strategy to overturn the election, and even published it in a PowerPoint presentation.  Several United States Congressmen and Senators were âinâ on the plan, to aid in the âlegalâ overturn of the election results.  In short, what seemed like âfarcicalâ story of White House desperation in December, 2020, was really part of a much more sinister plan.
So this is a âre-runâ of last yearâs story. There is a bit of literary license: some of the characters werenât physically in the office. They called into the meeting. But a year later, we are just learning how close to a real coup we came. And itâs not over. Thirty million Americans still believe that President Joseph Biden is âillegitimateâ. That hasnât changed.
Seven Days in December
The Scene
The meeting was on Friday, December 18th, 2020 in the Oval Office in the West Wing of the White House, Washington, DC. Snow was on the ground outside the ballistic windows, and Christmas lights on the trees beyond the fencing. The faint echo of a madrigal choir was heard, singing in the main lobby of the West Wing, in front of the massive Christmas tree.
The President was sitting behind the large oaken desk made from the timbers of the British Ship HMSResolute, and given as a gift to President Rutherford B. Hayes by Queen Victoria. Arranged in front of the desk were armless straight-backed chairs, designed to accentuate the lesser status of those sitting in front of the President. The President himself was hunched uncomfortably in his $5000 Gunlocke-Washington chair behind the imposing desk, not interested in the Christmas activities or much of anything else. He was angry, depressed, and desperate.
General Flynn
In the straight-backed chairs were three subordinates. The first, was retired Lieutenant General Michael Flynn. Flynn was one of the first âhigh profileâ supporters of the President six years ago. He had a storied career: rising to prominence in the Army, and becoming Director of the Defense Intelligence Agency under a previous Administration. But Flynnâs unwillingness to adhere to policy led to charges of insubordination; he was fired from his post and after thirty-three years forcibly retired from the Army he loved.
He then went on a quest for fortune, working as an intelligence consultant for several corporations. But the real money was in advising foreign nations about US strategy, and ultimately lobbying for them with the US government. Flynn had multiple links to the Russian government earning hundred of thousands of dollars. But the biggest money came from Turkey, where Flynnâs skills and classified knowledge were used to attack Turkish government opponents in the US.
National Security Advisor
With the success of Donald Trumpâs candidacy for President, Flynn latched on as a senior foreign policy advisor. What he didnât advice Trump was his personal links to Russia and Turkey. And when Trump surprisingly won the election of 2016, Flynn became National Security Advisor, despite several warnings to Trump from the Obama Administration.
Prior to Trumpâs inauguration, Flynn had conversations with the Russian Ambassador, encouraging him to ignore the Obama Administration actions. FBI agents interviewed him about the multiple phone conversations. Flynn lied to them, in spite of knowing that the agents had direct transcripts of the calls. Why did Flynn lie knowing they already had the calls? Perhaps it was simply hubris: thinking that the FBI would never charge a serving National Security Advisor. Or, perhaps it was the misguided view that the FBI âwas on his sideâ, and would overlook the felony.
Flynn also lied to the Vice President and other senior White House officials. He was forced to resign, and ultimately charged with lying to Federal agents. He twice pled guilty to the charges, and made a deal with prosecutors to help with further investigations of the Trump campaign. But Flynn ultimately reneged on the deal, and after years of legal maneuvering, was pardoned by President Trump.
The Lawyers
Also in the straight-backed chairs were two attorneys. The first, Sidney Powell, was Flynnâs current legal counsel. She was a conspiracy theorist, who recently was fired from Trumpâs post-election legal team for claiming that long-dead Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez rigged the 2020 election. She also told Georgia voters not to show up for the January 5th Senate election, since she believed the entire election system was corrupt. Powell was the reason for Flynnâs change of heart with Federal Prosecutors. Rumor had it that she was so sure of a Presidential pardon that she persuaded Flynn to remain silent about other Administration and campaign actions. She was right.
The other attorney was former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani. He represents the President in ongoing legal actions to invalidate the 2020 election results, claiming widespread election fraud. But he has been met with a long series of court defeats, accompanied by public relations disasters. This included Giuliani holding a press conference in the parking lot of a sex shop, bringing a seemingly drunk witness to a hearing, and hair dye streaking down the side of his face while speaking to the press.
Change the Votes
Their conversation was simple: how to overturn the legal results of the 2020 election. While Biden won by over six million votes in the popular election, the margin in the Electoral College was much narrower. A change of a mere 45,050 votes in three key states; Arizona, Georgia and Wisconsin, would reverse the Electoral College and result in a tie. That tie would put the decision to the House of Representatives, where voting by one vote per state, they would re-elect the President.
The Trump campaign challenged the vote count in each of those states. Georgia recounted their votes three times, including a literal hand count of each ballot. In Wisconsin, the Trump campaign paid three million dollars to recount votes in two key Democratic counties. And in Arizona, where Republicans controlled all of the election counting mechanisms, re-counts and political pressure didnât change the outcome. The votes as they were cast in November, elected Joe Biden.
And of the over fifty court actions filed, none were successful in changing the outcome. All were appealed, and a few reached the US Supreme Court. But the Supreme Court denied them all. Even Trumpâs own appointees on the Court refused to hear them. There seemed to be no way forward.
Trumpâs Card
But Trump still had one last card to play. 74 million voters chose Trump in the 2020 election, the second most votes ever earned. And of those 74 million, a majority believes that Trumpâs election defeat was as a result of corruption. That means that almost 40 million Americans believe that the 2020 election was stolen, and many were waiting for Trumpâs word to take action.
Flynn had a plan to delay the Electoral College results. He advised the President to declare an âinsurrectionâ due to election fraud in the three critical states, and use the military to seize the voting machines. Then there could be a âdo-overâ, where the only form of voting would be through the machines. The mail-in vote, which overwhelmingly went to Biden, would be wiped out, ostensibly in the name of âelection securityâ. And of course the outcome would be different: if only election day polling is allowed, in all likelihood Trump would win the margins needed to take the Electoral College.
Insurrection
And there was precedent for Flynnâs action. During the Reconstruction Era, Federal troops were stationed in the former Confederate states. Those troops guaranteed the 15th Amendment right of the freed slaves to vote, as well as preventing unrepentant Confederates from participating in the process. For the ten years after the Civil War, Federal troops in blue patrolled the electoral process. It was only the political deal to end Reconstruction in 1877 that removed the troops that allowed those states to regain control of the voting process. And Federal troops were forbidden to go back into any states again under the Posse Comitatus Act of 1878.
So under âPosse Comitatusâ how could Flynn propose to send in troops? An even older law, the Insurrection Act of 1807, allows the President to proclaim an âinsurrectionâ, and then send in Federal troops to control it. The Federal troops would be âauthorizedâ to both seize the election machinery, and hold a âsubstituteâ election. And who would lead these troops into the electoral âbattle spaceâ? The recently retired Lieutenant General Michael Flynn; recalled to active duty.
Post Script (from 2020)
Is this a movie plot, or a proposed series for Netflix?
This actual conversation took place in the Oval Office with those participants.  We know that the general conversation of declaring âinsurrectionâ occurred, and that others joined the discussion, including White House Counsel Pat Cipollone and Chief of Staff Mark Meadows.  We also know that the meeting degenerated in shouting and yelling, as Cipollone and Meadows pushed back against the plan. Â
And we know that at that same meeting, Mr. Trump considered appointing Ms. Powell as a Special White House Counsel to investigate Hunter Biden. He wanted to give her national security clearances.
Today is Tuesday (December 22nd, 2020) â and while reporting indicates that the âcooler headsâ of Cipollone and Meadows prevailed â we don’t really know.  Internet conspiracy rumors put the day of the âinsurrectionâ declaration as December 24th, two days from today.
The Vice President is scheduled to leave the country on January 6th, hours after the Congress officially declares the Electoral College winner.
Itâs not over, until noon on January 20th. Only when Joe Biden takes the official oath of office, can we be sure that Donald Trump wonât try to overturn the results of the election, and with it, our Democracy.
Note â fifteen days after this essay first appeared, the United States Capitol was seized in the âJanuary 6th Insurrectionâ.
Thereâs a danger using âsports analogiesâ about life. They often treat life too simplistically, as if scoring a goal or committing a foul tells all about âreal lifeâ experiences. Life is so much more complex than points on a scoreboard, or a yellow flag on the field. And as a long time high school coach, I try to be very aware that the nuance of sport is my former profession, but not an innate part of everyone elseâs life.
So with those caveats, let me try to draw an analogy between sport and life.
Sports and Life
I was a high school track and cross country coach, but what many people donât know is that I was also a high school and middle school wrestling coach. Wrestling is a profoundly different sport than the others. In cross country, you are in a race with hundreds of others each time. Only a few have the talent and have put in the effort to run at the front of the race, the rest are working to improve âin the packâ.
And track is seldom âjust youâ, though it happens in the field events occasionally. But in wrestling, every time, itâs one on one. Thereâs no âfieldâ to disappear in, no eight runners leaning at the line. Itâs just two athletes trying to best each other in the most physical, elemental way possible. Itâs about one imposing physical control on the other, against their will. The coaches yell, and the team cheers, and parents literally mirror every move in the stands. But on the mat, no one is blocking, no one passing the ball, no one is pacing. Out there on the mat itâs just you, and the other guy.
Itâs About You
Wrestling and distance running are similar in one respect. While talent is important, the willingness to sacrifice yourself to work is paramount. Want to be a good runner? Start running, then run more and more and more. Want to be a good wrestler? You have to literally âlive the lifeâ. How many sports require teenage boys to restrict how much they eat? A good wrestler puts in seemingly unending hours of drills, exercises, conditioning every part of their body; their âpracticeâ never really ends. And itâs all for those moments one on one on the mat.
Wrestling, essentially, is all about the wrestler.  It is an all-consuming, often lonely quest to push your body to new levels of suffering, in order to conquer that opponent one on one at the center of the gym.  The phrase goes that “there is no ‘I’ in team”, but in wrestling, there often is no âteamâ in âIâ either.  Â
Itâs been a long time since Iâve read the âessentialâ book of conservatism â Ayn Randâs The Fountainhead.  But top level wrestlers remind me of her characters, succeeding or failing all on their own, without regard for who they literally have to pin to get to the top, and what damage they leave along the way.  They are âHoward Roarksâ; unbent and unyielding, convinced of their own individual superiority.  And they have the record to prove it.
Cooperation isnât Important
A good soccer team, or football team, or cross country team is just that â a team. Each member has a role, and should they fail in that role, the team fails. Sure a cross country team might have the âbestâ individual. But if five runners donât cross the finish line, the team fails to score, fails to be a team. The fifth runnerâs score is just as important as the first. A quarterback without linemen, or a soccer team without a goalie, all will ultimately fail. Cooperation is a key element in success.
Wrestling does keep a team score. But, much like track, that score is a compilation of individual results. The main impact of âteamâ on wrestling, is the level of competition in the practice room. Good wrestlers get better by wrestling better wrestlers. So the level of competition âin the roomâ determines the success of the âroomâsâ members.
In the Room
A National Champion or Olympic qualifying wrestler is a huge asset to any wrestling team, even if that individual doesnât actually compete for the team. Their presence in âthe roomâ raises the level of practice competition, making those team members who practice with them better. But itâs a tough âapprenticeshipâ; and often frustrating for the apprentice. Goals are marked in small increments: score a point, counter a move, donât end up on your back. Winning isnât really a possibility, at least at first.
A sport that places so much emphasis on the individual might well create a âmindsetâ for life.
Jim Jordan, now a United States Congressman, and former National Collegiate wrestling champion, was hired into the Ohio State wrestling room as an assistant coach.  His role was to raise the level of competition âin the roomâ, first as he trained for the Olympics, and then simply to aid the college athletes.  The fact that the wrestling team physician was molesting those athletes wasnât really his concern, I suppose.  If Dr. Strauss touched Jordan inappropriately, heâd kick his ass.
Institutions
But the athletes on the team didnât have that option. Sure, they were Division I college wrestlers, and all of them were perfectly capable of defending themselves. But Dr. Strauss was the âinstitutionâsâ doctor. Strauss had control over who could wrestle and who could not. So while Assistant Coach Jim Jordan might consider resisting the doctor, for the members of the team, it was a totally different case. They essentially didnât have a choice.
Some went to Jordan and head coach Russ Hellickson, to let them know they were being molested. They were taking the only course of action available to remedy the situation.  Their only other choices were:  be molested or quit.  And when they were ignored, it fit right into the model of life Jim Jordan now stands for:  you are on your own.  You rise on your own abilities, and fail on the same.  It is not the âinstitutionâsâ duty to protect you, even from the institution itself.
Model for Life
Doesnât that sound just like his view of our government?  Ayn Rand, the intellectual mother of modern conservatism, would be proud.  The individual is totally responsible for their own fate. The institution, whether itâs a university or the national government or the coaching staff; doesnât have much of a role.  The fact that those being mis-treated donât have a choice, that the institution doesnât allow them any way out; well, thatâs too bad.  The individuals should have somehow been better to overcome the mis-treatment.
Iâm not saying that all conservatives would allow sexual abuse of those under their authority.  In fact, the coaches I know would absolutely stand up against such abuse, conservative or not.  But I am saying that, for some at least, it fits their model of life, the same model they bring to governing America. Â
I hope everyone had a Happy Christmas and got to hug those they love. Today, it’s time for another “Sunday Story”. There’s no politics here, just reminiscences about forty years of team trips!!!
Track Trips
The other day, I wrote an essay about trips I took as a kid. That got me thinking about travelling. As a coach, I took teams all over the country to track and cross country meets. In the summer it was the âbig rewardâ for training all summer, going to the Nationals, no matter where in the Nation they were. It not only gave the athletes a âbig competitionâ experience, but it became part of the âlegendâ of our team. After cross country, it was a reward for all the work in the season. And during the official high school season, I tried to âroad tripâ our teams at least once each year. Not only was it to find new and usually tougher competition, but it was a great team building experience and recruiting tool for the next year. Most importantly, we had fun.
Platte River Drifting
Whether it was singing The Whoâs âBehind Blue Eyesâ as we rolled down Interstate 5 from Seattle towards Eugene, Oregon; swimming in the American River behind our hotel in Sacramento; or âpost-holingâ through two feet of snow in Rhode Island; those road trips were always exciting. But sometimes we had to make our own excitement. After a National Meet in Omaha, Nebraska, we went to see the âlargest catfish in Nebraskaâ a big white one in a tank, more than 100 pounds. Another year there, we tubed down the Platte River (maybe scrapped down the river more than floated). That same day we tried the flight simulator at the Strategic Air Command museum. The kids loved it, but I somehow put my simulator into a “near fatal” spin. I was dizzy for three days.
But we always managed to have fun. We stayed at a lake house in North Carolina for a week, swimming and diving off the dock. We became part of the dance routine on Times Square in New York City. And sometimes we just made it up. One group just dodged the âelectric Indiansâ: the electric arrows on the construction signs as we drove hundreds of miles across the country. It became a thing!
Lobster
Food was always important on our trips. When a crew went to Rhode Island to pole vault, I made it âmandatoryâ that we stop for a lobster dinner along the way. The deal was everyone had to order lobster â but they didnât have to eat it. One of the vaulters wasnât a âseafoodâ guy, so I ate two lobsters, and we ordered an extra cheese burger. Lobsters came back into play when we went to the Nationals in Boston more than two decades later. We ate at the oldest âcontinuously operatedâ restaurant in the United States, the Union Oyster House. It was lobster dinner again â and this time everyone ate their own.
Barbecue
One August we headed to Baton Rouge for the National Track meet. By the way, what sense does it make to have a National meet in Louisiana in August? It was so hot they had to shift some of the races into the middle of the night. Almost as bad as having it in Miami, or Los Angeles. But I guess location didnât really matter: the year we were in Seattle, the Northwest was hit with the worst heat wave of the century. I only passed out once at a National Meet, when I decided it was a good idea to go for a long run in Omaha’s August 95 degree sun. A couple of water bottles solved that problem.
Anyway, we were headed south, and made an overnight stop in Memphis, the absolute capital of barbecue. I asked our hotel clerk where the âbestâ place was, and he directed us to a shaky looking old building in a rough part of town. We almost didnât get out of the van, but the smoky flavor coming out of the building dragged us in. Then the cook came out, and after I explained our lack of barbecue expertise, took over the dinner menu. We must have had hundreds of dollars of food, all sorts of dry rubs and sauces, on pork ribs and beef briskets and whatever else could be barbecued. The check was only around $75 for the five of us. I hope that place is still around, Iâd love to go back.
Walking
Part of any road trip was sightseeing. On that same Baton Rouge trip, I took the guys down to New Orleans. We were walking down Bourbon Street in the afternoon, listening to the music wafting out of the bars and clubs. It was a warm December day, and the doors were all thrown open. One of athletes decided to take a quick peek inside, just to see if the dancers really were topless. From inside the bar came the call of the bouncer: âWhen itâs family night, weâll let you know!!â
Road trips were all about walking. At the DC Nationals, we probably left our entire competition on the National Mall, as we did all the mileage of the legendary âDahlman DC Tourâ. And in New York, it was hard not to wear everyone out, walking from our Times Square Hotel up through Central Park to the âImagineâ John Lennon marker.
Weâve wandered through the âHeartland of America Parkâ in Omaha, and the Great Smoky Mountain National Park in Tennessee. And at Yosemite, we climbed out of the valley up to Mirror Lake, and almost lost Coach Eastham. He suffered from a long term back injury, but he was too excited to be at the Park to miss any of the experience. He struggled up the climb but the look of accomplishment on his face when we reached the top was worth it.
Water Sports
For the summer meets, we always found somewhere to swim. We drove to Ocean City, Maryland from the Baltimore Nationals, and hit the big Atlantic waves. And we stopped on the Oregon Coast to try the Northern Pacific waves, though it was pretty cold for everyone (except Eric). When the air conditioning in the van broke, we spent a couple of hours at a municipal pool in Peoria, Illinois. We swam at Newport Beach south of LA, Daytona in Florida, and in Lake Tahoe in Nevada. And, as mentioned, in the American River right out the back of our hotel in Sacramento. If there was a way to swim, we found it.
We even managed to âpole vaultâ in the hotel pools. Well, we really didnât vault into the pool, but we used the poles to do actual âpole vault techniqueâ drills in the deep end. We always got the managementâs attention just pulling the pole out, and then fascinated every little kid in the place.
But Perhaps the most âexoticâ ocean experience was on South Beach in Miami. We were playing in the waves when a six foot manta-ray came cruising along the shoreline. Everyone raced out of the water. And since we were out, the guys decided it was time âfor a walkâ up the beach. They were looking for the world famous âtoplessâ part of South Beach. They must have found it, because they soon came running back â âCoach, itâs âoldâ topless people!!!â
Firsts
First time in a hotel, first time in the ocean, first time on a plane, first time to see mountains: kids got so many firsts on those road trips. We went to meets in thirty different states, we ran at sea level (Baton Rouge) and 6,000 feet (Provo), in snow (Rhode Island), rain (Miami), blistering heat (Los Angeles), freezing winds (Portland) and, occasionally, in perfect weather (it had to happen sometime).
Track and Cross Country legends were written. And while those are now âold-timerâ stories, told around camp fires, dinner tables, and over a beer at some bar: there are generations of athletes and coaches that got more than just a time, place and a medal from their track or cross country career.
When I was sixteen, not yet a licensed driver in the state of Ohio, I lived in a suburb of Cincinnati called Wyoming. It was a small, middle to middle upper class community, with a police force all its own. I donât quite remember, but maybe there were twelve or thirteen officers on the whole force. Today itâs grown to nineteen, but forty-seven years ago I doubt it was that big. We teenagers knew must of the patrol officers by name.
Late one night at the corner of Burns and Springfield Pike (the center of town) a friend of mine was pulled over. It probably was for âKid driving at Nightâ, but Iâm sure there was a lane or turn signal violation involved. The Officer approached the driver side, and the anxious boy handed his license, registration and insurance papers to him.
Kids at Night
This wasnât a âracial incidentâ, this was a âkidâ incident. The Officer went back to call the license in. This was before the days of in-car computers, and every license and registration had to be checked by the local dispatcher for âwants and warrantsâ. It must have been a busy night in Wyoming, because the time seemed to go on forever for the young man behind the wheel.
He couldnât take it. Anxiety overcame him, and he jammed the car into drive and took off, turning right on the Pike, then left up Reily Road.
This could have been a chase through the dark suburban streets of Wyoming. The officer could have gone full lights and sirens, and who knows what might occurred when full panic struck the sixteen year-old behind the wheel. Thereâs plenty of big oak trees lining the roads of Wyoming, and it doesnât take much to lose control and hit one. But that didnât happen.
The Officer had the license and registration. No house in Wyoming was more than three miles away from the center of town. So he calmly drove over to the kidâs house, and waited in the driveway. When the boy finally came home, he was greeted with the Officer, the ticket, and his parents. My friend didnât do much driving for the next year.
Make the Call
I suspect this wasnât a difficult call for a Wyoming policeman. While I donât remember if he already knew the kid involved, Wyoming police knew most of us, at least by vehicle. Back in those days, the worst offenses seemed to be reckless or drunk driving. You could get in big trouble for reckless driving, but driving home from the party after too much to drink might land you in the backseat of a cruiser for a ârideâ home, not a citation.
As my police officer friends tell me, that kind of âleewayâ is impossible today. The cameras on the officerâs chest are a good thing when it comes to making sure âproper procedureâ is followed. The term âstreet justiceâ, when an officer made a call on whatâs appropriate, doesnât work when itâs on camera. That may be a good thing, but like all good things there is a bad side as well. That sixteen year-old with a few too many isnât getting a ride home anymore. Itâs all on public record, so itâs down to the station, to court and into the system.
Air Freshener
Twenty-two year veteran Brooklyn Heights Officer Kim Potter was convicted of first degree manslaughter yesterday in a Minneapolis courtroom. She was the training officer when her trainee made a traffic stop. The âproximate causeâ of the stop: expired license tags and an air freshener hanging from the rear view mirror.
They stopped twenty year-old Daunte Wright, a black man. When they got his âwants and warrantsâ, it was discovered that he had an outstanding arrest warrant out. The trainee and a backup Sergeant proceeded to ask Wright to exit the vehicle, and tried to place him under arrest.
Panic
This was the same week as the Derek Chauvin trial, held in the same Minneapolis courtroom where Ms. Potter was later convicted. Chauvin, a Minneapolis Officer, kneeled on a handcuffed George Floyd for almost ten minutes, during which Floyd died. So there was heightened tensions, not just among police officers, but also among young black men. Daunte Wright panicked, and struggled to get back into his car and escape.
He made it back into the driverâs seat, and Potter came up to assist in controlling him. In the midst of the struggle, she reached for her Taser to shock Wright into submission. She instead, grabbed her service weapon, and shot him. Wright died.
They had his license and address.  They could have done what that Wyoming officer did long ago, and waited for him at his home.  The officers were certainly justified in making an arrest, but no one, Potter, Wright, the Trainee, or the state of Minnesota, wanted this arrest to end up in death, especially a death when the cause of the stop was an air freshener.
Officerâs Dilemma
âProper procedureâ, documented on the chest-mounted camera, calls for the arrest to be made. And what if they let him go?
Six were killed and another sixty-two injured when Darrell Brooks drove his SUV into the Waukesha Thanksgiving parade. Brooks was out on bond for attempting to run over a woman with his car, and had just been involved in a domestic disturbance. No one was chasing him when he plowed through the barriers and into the marchers.
There is a danger in taking someone into custody, both to the suspect, and to the officers.  And there is a danger to allowing a suspect to go, to catch him later.  And thatâs the call we ask police officers to make, every day.  I have no doubt that Officer Potter should be held responsible for her mistake.  Her grabbing the wrong weapon took a young manâs life.  But itâs too easy to say, âthey should have just let him goâ.  They would be just as responsible.  Ask the judge who released Darrell Brooks on only a $1000 bond. Â
Our Responsibility
Is race a part of all of this? Of course it is. Is training? Certainly that was the case that Officer Potterâs defense made, that she was not adequately trained on the new tasers recently issued. And, as Minnesotaâs Attorney General Keith Ellison said, there needs to accountability for the taking of Wrightâs life. But itâs not a simple problem, nor is there one simple solution. We ask police officers to make decisions, on the record, that can almost instantly become life and death determinations, both for the suspect, and themselves.
They need clear guidance, and training to handle complex situations.  They need to be prepared and wise, and they need to be accountable for their decisions.  Thatâs a lot to ask. But thatâs an officerâs dilemma. And it’s also our responsibility.
I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion; and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to enter: So help me God (Oath taken by all Members of Congress).
Subpoena Power
It was October of 2015, the year before the Presidential election that âchanged the worldâ. The Republicans were in the majority of the House of Representatives. That gave them control of all the House Committees and the topics they investigated. And again and again, for over three years, five different committees investigated the tragic loss of four American lives in Benghazi, Libya. One of those lives was the US Ambassador to Libya, Chris Stevens.
What happened at Benghazi, even after five different committees reported, is still clouded. What was thought to be a spontaneous riot turned out to be an organized and planned assault on the two US diplomatic compounds there. The Committees wanted to know what happened, why the United States Ambassador wasnât better protected, and why the response to the attack seemed so slow.
Hillary
But the Benghazi investigations also served a very different purpose. Republicans used it as a way to attack the probable Democratic Presidential candidate, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. As Republican Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy in an interview with Foxâs Sean Hannity said at the time:
âAnd let me give you one example. Everybody thought Hillary Clinton was unbeatable, right? But we put together a Benghazi special committee. A select committee. What are her numbers today? Her numbers are dropping. Why? Because sheâs untrustable (sic). But no one would have known that any of that had happened had we not fought to make that happen.â
And how did Secretary Clinton respond to these long term, multiple attacks on her actions, character, and honesty? On October 19th, 2015, she appeared before the Select Committee on Benghazi, chaired by South Carolina Republican Trey Gowdy. And she answered their questions, from Gowdy, Jim Jordan, Mike Pompeo and others, for eleven hours straight. After her testimony, there was little else to do. The Committee put out a long report, full of conjecture about what Clinton might have done, but short on facts. Three years of five committees investigations and $7 million, and all they really found was that Hillary Clinton could outlast them all on the witness stand.
But they got what they wanted. By sheer repetition, they were able to damage her âtrustabliityâ.
Insurrection
Todayâs Democratic House of Representatives has a select committee investigating the events of January 6th, 2021. It is the day of the Insurrection, but as the Committee is discovering, much like Benghazi what looked like a spontaneous mob action turns out to be highly organized. The âtentaclesâ of organization werenât only in the Trump Campaign and the fringe organizations like the Oath Takers and the Proud Boys. We now know that multiple Congressmen and Senators; the Pentagon the Justice Department, and the White House Staff were all part of the process leading to that near-disaster. And it seems to lead all the way to the Oval Office.
Hundreds of Americans are currently on trial for their actions at the Capitol on January 6th. But the legal process hasnât reached beyond the trenches; the rioters on the steps or in the halls of the seat of our Democracy. And, as far as the public knows, the Justice Department hasnât reached beyond the actors to those that âpulled the stringsâ on the Insurrection. In the ânormalâ world of Attorney General Merrick Garland, thatâs the way itâs supposed to be. Remember we didnât know anything about the ill-fated âRussia Investigationâ, of the Trump Campaign, Crossfire Hurricane, for ten months before Congress exposed it.
Tentacles
So the January 6th Committee is the only apparent investigation of the âtentaclesâ of the Insurrection. Theyâve called high profile witnesses to testify about their roles. Many, perhaps more than three hundred, have given depositions and âstaffâ testimony. A few, including former Assistant Attorney General Jeffrey Clark and Trump advisor Roger Stone, are using the Fifth Amendment Constitutional protection against self-incrimination to avoid answering questions.
And a few are denying the âlegitimacyâ of the Committee, or claiming an extra-legal right of former-Presidential privilege to avoid answering questions. Currently Steve Bannon is facing criminal contempt charges from the Justice Department, and Congress has recommended that Mark Meadows do the same.
Scott Perry
Congressman Scott Perry is a Republican from Pennsylvania, and a former Brigadier General in the Pennsylvania National Guard. Heâs been in the Congress since 2012, and is the current Chairman of the House âFreedom Caucusâ, the forty-four member right-wing group of Congressmen that includes Jim Jordan, Louie Gohmert, Matt Goetz and Marjorie Taylor Greene. Mark Meadows is a former Chairman of the group.
The House Committee investigation has uncovered many contacts between members of the Freedom Caucus and the organizers of the Insurrection. Scott Perry pressed the Trump Administration to make Assistant Attorney General Jeffrey Clark the interim head of the Justice Department. Clark, and Perry, both were prime drivers of the âStop the Stealâ false narrative that the 2020 election was âstolenâ from Donald Trump.
The Committee has asked Congressman Perry to answer questions about his actions. He could, if heâs afraid he could face criminal prosecution, shelter behind the Fifth Amendment. Or, he could claim a âCongressional privilegeâ of free speech and debate. But instead of making those claims, or following the example of Hillary Clinton and confronting his accusers, Congressman Perry is pretending that the Committee is âillegitimateâ.
Answer the Question
Itâs not. The House can constitute whatever Committees that the majority want. The Republicans actually had the opportunity to agree to a wholly bi-partisan committee, but chose not to. Instead, the Democrats moved on their own, and then included two Republican members who asked to join, Congresswoman Cheney and Congressman Kinzinger.
All of this raises the question: did the leaders of the âStop the Stealâ movement think they were acting to correct an injustice, or did they know that they were lying to the American people. If they think they were in âthe rightâ, what is preventing them from testifying and defending their position. Donât Congressmen and other public officials have a legal obligation to âdefend the Constitutionâ? Isnât that what they thought they were doing?
Or they can act like folks that know they did something wrong. They can dodge and obfuscate, make up ârightsâ that donât exist; all to avoid taking responsibility for the stand they took. Hillary Clinton stood up to her accusers, and for eleven hours gave as good as she got. These men are hiding behind legal fiction.
It’s getting near Christmas. That’s family time, which got me thinking about our family trips. Mom and Dad wanted us to experience a lot – and it made a big impression.And since it’s near Christmas – here’s the link to my Mom’s reminiscence of her childhood Christmas – Christmas Story
Travelling
One of the best parts of growing up in my family was travelling. From when I was a kid until I was in my twenties, we did the âannualâ summer vacation pilgrimage to Hilton Beach on St. Josephâs Island in Canada. I remember when I was really young, getting my own âspotâ in the back of the 1963 Ford Fairlane Station Wagon, the kind with the âwoodyâ sides. It had the âtraditionalâ Don Dahlman license plate on it: DD-19.
Mom and Dad were in the front seats. Dad drove and tried to stay awake. Mom had the maps and the itinerary, and was in charge of navigating and keeping Dad from sleeping. My sisters were in the back seat. Then there was all the luggage, then ME in the third back seat that faced the back window. I thought it was so cool to have my own seat and my own space. I think my sisters were happy to have all the luggage in between!!
Eventually my older sister Terry went to college, and I graduated to the back seat, and ultimately to the driverâs seat. Dad had acrophobia, and hated the ânewâ bridges at Mackinac and the Canadian Border. Even before I had my license, I was driving those bridges for Dad.
Big Cities
But we also went around the United States, often with Dad as he was selling TV shows. There were short trips: to New York City for sightseeing and to Chicago for the weekend to see the museums. My first trip to Washington DC was in 1964. We went in January, and the military hats were still arranged around the new gravesite for President Kennedy at Arlington Cemetery. I remember the month, because we visited one of Dadâs business friends, who lived in Virginia. His son, about my age, had the day off school for Robert E. Leeâs birthday. I was a âNorthernâ kid, and didnât get having a Confederate Generalâs birthday off. Today kids still have that same day off of school in most places â itâs Martin Luther King Day.
College Tour
And then there were the âcollege tripsâ, the New England swing through the Ivy Leagues for my sister, and later for me. My favorite story: Dad was taking courses at Harvard, and Mom was taking my sister Terry to see Wellesley College. She decided to leave my middle sister Pat and I at a movie while they went to see the campus. I was nine, Pat was fourteen. Mom dropped us off , for what she though was the World War II âflickâ with Henry Fonda, The Battle of the Bulge.
But it was a shady movie theatre on Harvard Square. We accidently went to the wrong show, where the double feature was The Sleeping Car Murders, and Doulos (roughly translated â the finger man). I always thought Mom sent us to dirty movies. With a little research I now know they werenât porn shows, just âfilm noiresâ from France; gangster movies with some nudity (and in French with subtitles). But if you were nine, it was definitely â well â more than I was ready for.
On the Cape
We spent that summer on Cape Cod, going to the beach every day. I became a âprofessionalâ body surfer, a boy without fear in the Atlantic waves. We stayed at a fishermanâs cottage, which I thought was awesome. That the walls were âinsulatedâ with and smelled like clam shells and the washing machine named George turned on and off on its own schedule didnât bother me a bit. It was the summer of 1966 â the summer of Hot Time, Summer in the City on the AM Radioby the Lovinâ Spoonful. Every time I hear that song, Iâm taken back to that summer and the sea.
One memorable night we took the station wagon to the drive-in to see The Russians Are Coming, The Russians Are Coming. It was a comedy movie about a small New England town where a damaged Russian submarine came into the fishing port. The town was a lot like the Cape Cod villages we were in. But the best part was when the fog rolled in off the coast, and we had to watch the show on the shifting âcloudsâ.
Home in England
There was some travel overseas as well. Mom was English, with lots of family at home. So we went to England several times. I think my sister Terry said it best: with Mom, England was like a âfairy taleâ world. She had family scattered all over the place, and we were welcomed everywhere we went. Whether it was watching the Changing of the Guard at Buckingham Palace, helping on the farm in Cambridge, or wandering through the ancient monument at Stonehenge (before the fences went up, you could go up and touch the stones); England felt like home.
Which meant that France felt like a real strange place. We were in Paris when I was thirteen, in 1970. The United States wasnât the most popular nation during the Vietnam War, and Parisians were generally rude to tourists anyway. We felt isolated, and my ninth grade French wasnât appreciated much â except for the drunk guy outside the Notre Dame Cathedral. âViva les Americainsâ he cried as he slurred the directions to our next stop. He was drunk, and talking slow, exactly what I needed to understand him.
We abandoned Paris early, and headed back across the Channel to Dover. Momâs sister Eileen and her family lived down the coast in Eastbourne, and Uncle Reg was always ready for a walk to âBeachy Headâ. Then it was on down the coast to Exeter and Auntie Olive and Uncle Stan. They were, as I remember, prim and proper, but still fun as we travelled to the small villages in the isolated and mysterious highlands called The Moors. Beatrix Potter, author of Peter Rabbit, had her cottage there. We were expecting Peter Rabbit himself to answer the door.
Driving
Dad was driving on the âwrong sideâ of the road in England, where the steering wheel is on the right side of the car. That wasnât a problem on the bigger roads, the Mâs (interstates) or Aâs (state highways). But on the smaller roads Dad always seemed to forget that whole side of the car on the left side, the side that was on the other side when he was in the US. Our job was to yell âCLOSEâ when Dad was about to take out the hedges or rock walls on the left side. It was fun as a kid, but when I got older and drove a van in England, a had a whole lot more sympathy for him.
Thereâs always travel stories to relate, and maybe Iâll get to more someday.  But meanwhile, itâs time to get going.  The Jeep is warming up, melting the hard frost on the windshield, and thereâs pre-Christmas errands to run.  The license plate on the back  â DD-19.  I know Dad would be pleased itâs still in the family.
I canât say Iâve ever heard of the Group âMurray Headâ, but I do have a vague recollection of hearing their song back âin the dayâ: Say It Ainât So, Joe.
Shoeless Joe
âSay it ainât so, Joe.â Itâs a phrase attributed to a sports reporter, talking to baseball hero âShoelessâ Joe Jackson of the Chicago White Sox after he admitted to a grand jury that he cheated in the 1919 World Series. If you donât remember that piece of sports history, youâll remember âShoeless Joeâ as a central figure in the movie Field of Dreams. It was the ultimate letdown; a hero admitting to fixing âAmericaâs Gameâ for money.
Iâm tempted to keep researching the phrase, to give you more trivial tidbits about it.  But Iâm simply putting off the inevitable.  This essay isnât about trivia:  itâs about Joe Manchin on Fox News Sunday this weekend.  He said the words seemingly fatal to President Bidenâs Build-Back-Better Plan:   âI cannot vote to continue with this piece of legislationâŚâ Â
Promises Broken
After months of negotiations and good faith promises by Manchin and Biden to the Progressive wing of the Democratic Party, it seems that itâs over.  Manchin has pulled the âLucy and the footballâ on Progressive Democrats, and they would argue, on the Nation.  He got what he wanted, the bipartisan infrastructure bill.  The West Virginia turnpike (among many other things) will get plenty of cash for repairs.  But the folks lifted by the Child Tax Credits, the seniors waiting for hearing and vision support, the parents paying hundreds of dollars for their kids insulin, the desperate need for climate repairs â all will have to wait.  The gentleman from West Virginia has made it up his mind.
Or has he? Does âI cannot vote for this piece of legislationâŚâ mean that Build Back Better is dead? Or is this just one more negotiating ploy in the long saga of a conservative Democrat from West Virginia finding himself in a progressive Democratic world. It seems that Biden and Manchin are âonlyâ a half a trillion dollars apart â thatâs after being multiple trillions away in the beginning. So why now, why torpedo the process at this moment?
Sharing Blame
Before we parse this issue, there are two points to remember. Democrats are not the only ones in the United States Senate. The reason why Joe Manchin is at the center of all of this, is that the Republican Party has as a singular body refused to participate in governing. They are not only the Party of âNOâ, they are the Party that just a couple of years ago, were perfectly willing to spend trillions in tax cuts that largely went to giant corporations and the 1% of wealthy Americans. So they donât get a âpassâ.
And second, Democrats are only in this position because they arenât electing enough Senators.  The list is lengthy:  North Carolina, South Carolina, Maine, Montana and Iowa all were vulnerable Republican seats in 2020, and the Democrats didnât get one of them.  That empowered Manchin (and Sinema, and every other Democratic Senator) with the kind of veto power we are seeing today.
Almost Heaven
Joe Manchin is a man of West Virginia.  The Reverend Barber can march down the streets of the capital-city Charleston with the poor people of the state to highlight those who Manchin is hurting. Sadly, thatâs not what influences the Senator.  The Build Back Better plan contains over half a trillion dollars in climate change legislation, and climate change legislation translates in âWest Virginianâ to anti-coal.  Joe Manchin is not only personally invested in the coal industry, but West Virginians as a whole, rich and poor are as well.Â
He canât go home against coal.  Ask Hillary Clinton:  while the logic is that coal should be the first fossil fuel to go when it comes to climate change, coal is embedded so deeply in the mountains and culture of West Virginia that academic logic goes out the window.  When Hillary âspoke the truthâ to West Virginians about coal in 2016, she managed to make the traditionally Democratic state the âReddestâ state in the union.  As the only Democrat statewide office holder, Joe Manchin knows what political suicide is, and heâs not doing it.
The Deal
So maybe Build Back Better isnât dead â but maybe the climate change portion is. Perhaps Senator Manchin is quietly offering an alternative.  Take the climate change money, use it to fund the other portions of Build Back Better for ten years instead of two or three.  That way the Progressives get a win, and Manchin can still go back to his hometown in Farmington, West Virginia, a hero.
Itâs not what I want, nor is it whatâs good for the country.  But it may be the only thing that the Senator from West Virginia can live with.  And until his veto doesnât matter, we have to dance to his tune. Or we can sing the sad song: âSay it Ainât So Joeâ.
This is another in the âSunday Storyâ series. No politics here â just some true tales from a battlefield âgeekâ.
There is something about a battlefield: a peace and calm that belies the action that took place there. Walking where armies struggled, men triumphed and failed; survived and died – there is a depth, almost a spirit in the land. Itâs a pull back to the past, as if the events on that property still reverberate somehow in the air. Is it haunted? Not in my experience, but the life and death struggles of so many, so concentrated in one place must have some timely âripple effectâ. At any rate, there are few other places (old cemeteries, Medieval Cathedrals, abandoned towns, prisons and schools) that have that kind of pull.
Iâve already told stories of the Gettysburg Battlefield (Ghosts at Gettysburg). Itâs still my favorite. But Iâve visited many other Civil War sites, and, of course, there are stories from those as well.
Road Trip
If you own a Jeep Wrangler with a soft top â thereâs nothing like a summer road trip. Put the top down, take the doors off, and head out on the highway to destinations â unknown? Well, like that Geico motorcycle commercial, I usually had a destination, but I could always change my course for âany oldâ reason.
This time I was headed to Shiloh in Southern Tennessee, the first really ugly battle of the Civil War. Itâs a long Jeep ride, 545 miles from Pataskala to Savannah, Tennessee the nearest town to the battlefield. The journey is all about the âRiver Townsâ: Cincinnati to Louisville, Louisville to Nashville, then head west towards the Mississippi River and Memphis. You turn back south about an hour short of the home of blues and barbecue, and head into the countryside until you hit the Tennessee River once again near Savannah, Tennessee. Youâve arrived.
Rivers and Railroads
The rivers were what the battle at Shiloh was all about. The âgrand strategyâ of the Union Army was to slice the Confederacy into pieces, preventing commerce and supplies from supporting the various Rebel Armies. The Mississippi River was the obvious line of attack, but to control it, the Union had to gain control of the land on each side.
So the newly minted Union General Ulysses S Grant of Illinois began at the Kentucky, Illinois border winning control of Northern Mississippi River. Then at Paducah, Kentucky he headed South by going up the Tennessee River. He made his âfameâ with the capture of Forts Henry and Donelson in Kentucky (Ulysses S became known as âUnconditional Surrenderâ Grant from there) then continued south into Tennessee. Ultimately, he woud cut off and captured the vital Mississippi River town of Memphis.
The next line of Confederate supply was the railroad center at Corinth, Mississippi. The Mobile and Ohio line intersected with the Memphis and Charleston line, making the small town a major supply depot for the Southern Army of the West. It was the center of east and west railroad transportation. 40000 men were headquartered there under the command of General Albert Sidney Johnston.
Surprise at Shiloh
So Grant moved his almost 45000 man Army of the Tennessee further up the Tennessee River, camping above the river bluffs across from a steamboat stop called Pittsburg Landing, just south of Savannah and a little over twenty miles north of Corinth. He didnât expect the Confederates to attack. He âanticipatedâ they would defend Corinth. Grant spread his soldiers all over the near countryside, waiting for the 17000 man Army of Ohio to come up the River and join him. Some of his men camped around a small log church, built by the Methodists, called âShilohâ.
Johnston realized that Grantâs forces were vulnerable and unprepared for an attack. So he moved out of Corinth, and marched in full force at Grant. His three day march caught the Union Army by surprise, spread out on the bluffs above the Tennessee River, across from Pittsburg Landing, around the little Methodist church called Shiloh.
Well, that turned into a history lesson. All I need is a chalkboard and Iâd be back in the classroom. Or today, itâs a PowerPoint on the Smart Board. I guess old teacherâs never give up.
Blood
But to finish the story â it was the largest land battle on the North American continent up to that spring in April of 1862. Over 80000 men pitched into combat, at least half completely unprepared for what was to come. The Confederates marched for three days, and caught the Union soldiers coming out of their tents for breakfast. Some were shot as they emerged to see what was going on. Others fled at the screaming hoard of Gray, the âunholyâ Rebel yell that struck fear in their hearts. And some loaded their rifles and responded. But it was too few and too late to staunch the first Confederate charge.
And the battle could have been won in the first few hours of that April morning. But the Rebel charge faltered over Union bacon and pancakes. The Confederate men were hungry from three days on the road. It was too much to pass the Union breakfast, and that slowed them just enough so that the Union officers could reorganize and respond. They continued to fall back towards the bluffs and the Tennessee River, but it was a slow, measured, holding ground when they could and retreating when they must.
Albert Sidney Johnston
Confederate General Albert Sidney Johnson could feel victory. He rode his horse too close to the action, and caught a stray MiniĂŠ-ball in his leg. (A MiniĂŠ-ball was actually a large caliber piece of lead. When it hit, it was with slower speed than modern rifles. So it struck, spun, and caused an enormous amount of damage. There were so many amputations in the Civil War because there was often nothing left of the shattered bones struck by a bullet).
Johnston could easily have been saved. If he would just have dismounted, a surgeon could have applied a tourniquet to his leg. But Johnston was too enraptured with pending victory. There was no time for treatment. So he bled to death into his own boot.
Hornetâs Nest
Meanwhile the Union forces consolidated in a small forested area. Confederates converged on three sides, firing thousands of rounds into the wood. The Confederates said it sounded like a hornetâs nest after it was shaken, so many bullets were zinging and striking from the woods and into the bodies of their men. The Confederates charged the Hornetâs Nest eight times, but failed to dislodge them. It was only by near encircling them that the Union forces were forced to withdraw.
But the holding action at the Hornetâs Nest, and the loss of the Confederate commander, slowed the pace of battle. As night fell, Grant, injured in the battle as well when his horse fell on him, organized a final defensive line. The Union Army of the Tennessee would live to fight another day. Grant and his best subordinate, William Tecumseh Sherman spoke that night. Sherman, worried that they could continue the fight said,âWell, Grant, weâve had the devilâs own day, havenât we?â Grant responded, âYes, lick âem to-morrow, though.â
Lick-‘Em Tomorrow
That night, Grant and Sherman planned a counter attack. Meanwhile, the 17000 men of the Army of the Ohio arrived, and marched up the bluffs from the river, passing the frightened Union men huddled against the sides. The next day, Grant counter-attacked, and drove the Confederates back towards Corinth. It would be a few weeks before Grant took Corinth itself, but when he snatched victory from the jaws of defeat at Shiloh, that outcome was inevitable. Memphis fell to the Union soon after.
There were almost 4000 dead combined from both sides, and another 16000 wounded. It was the bloodiest battle in American History â that is, for the next six months. A battle in a small village called Sharpsburg near the Antietam Creek, would come in September.
Red Hornets
So I spent two days wandering the battlefield at Shiloh. Itâs like a great park, especially on a weekday in the summer time. Itâs hot, in the Jeep, in South Tennessee in July, and I had almost the entire place to myself. So there is no one to confirm this story â but me.
I was driving along the âsunken roadâ that runs by the Hornetâs Nest. I was in the Jeep, no top or doors, just wearing a T shirt and a pair of shorts. It was 90 plus degrees, and there was no one to notice around. As I drove slowly down the park road, I stared intently into the small woods. I could almost see the men hiding in the trees, the branches snapping off above their heads, the wood splintering from the cannon shots. I could even actually hear the low buzz of the âhornetsâ â the historic MiniĂŠ balls in the air.
Then I glanced up to see where I was headed â and there was the largest, reddest, hornet Iâve ever seen, hovering right in front of my face between my hands at ten and two on the steering wheel. Maybe it was two inches long; it almost looked like a plastic toy. But it was making very lifelike noises, the âlow buzz of a hornetâŚâ
As I said, there was no one around. I did the âmanlyâ thing, especially in the face of the courage shown by the brave men who fought here. I jumped out of the Jeep!!
Now keep in mind, my Jeep wouldnât go far. It was a four speed, and without some pressure on the accelerator it would soon stall out. (It was my old Jeep, a 1993, not my ânewâ one of 2004 vintage). So as I rolled in the grass it continued down the road a bit, then shuddered to a stop. I warily approached it, waiting to make my retreat to the âbluffsâ if required. But there was no need: the red hornet of the âhornetâs nestâ had made its exit.
I got back behind the wheel, and spent some time at the Shiloh Church, and at the National Military Cemetery as well, to honor those who gave, as Lincoln said, ââŚtheir last full measure of devotionâ. And then I headed home â and discovered a whole non-military national park.
The Parkways
Most folks have heard of the Blue Ridge Parkway, the Park/Highway that follows the crest of the Blue Ridge Mountains from North Carolina, above the Shenandoah Valley all the way to Northern Virginia. Itâs a beautiful vacation ride, with easy exits to hotels, stores and towns. Itâs peaceful: no trucks (though there are some campers) and lots of folks driving and enjoying the view. But beware â there are âvista jamsâ! No one is in a hurry on the Parkway.
So I headed east on Tennessee Route 64, with the idea that I would meander my way back up to Nashville by staying off of the Interstates. After I passed the town of Waynesboro, I came across something called the âNatchez Trace Parkwayâ. This was before the era of I Phones and even Garminâs. My directions were from a map, carefully tucked under the emergency brake hand lever so it didnât blow out of the car.
The Natchez Trace Parkway runs 444 miles from Natchez, Mississippi to just south of Nashville. Like the Blue Ridge, it is a two lane highway with parkland on either side for the entire route. Itâs not a route for those in a hurry, but for a guy in a Jeep in the summertime it was a perfect path for a journey north through central Tennessee. Originally it was the âoverlandâ route from Nashville to the Mississippi River, it bit faster than more direct routes to the river in a wagon if the load wasnât too big. Now itâs a quiet highway surrounded by nature, with easy access to âcivilizationâ if needed.
I followed the âTraceâ north towards Nashville. It ends just south, near the town of Franklin. There was a Civil War battle there too. But thatâs for a different story.
âItâs coming on Christmas, theyâre cutting down trees, theyâre putting up reindeer and singing songs of joy and peace,â (Riverby Joni Mitchell).
Itâs almost the end of 2021, a year that, at my age, just flew by. Somehow, it seems we are always presented with the failures, the “almost didâs but didnâtâs” rather than the successes. For today, letâs look back at 2021, and see the good. Hereâs what was ârightâ with 2021.
First of all, itwasnât 2020. Covid is still around, but we are no longer trapped by it. Almost 62% of Americans are fully vaccinated, with another 10% partly covered. And before my anti-vaxxer friends attack â we KNOW that means those 62% have a much better chance of NOT getting Covid, and even a better chance of not ending in a hospital or dying from it. Thatâs good news.
The Big Quit
America is learning to live with Covid. All of the economics are showing a tremendous bounce back from our enforced shut down. The current unemployment rate is down to 4.2%. That still means that almost 7 million Americans who want jobs canât find them. But we also have a new phenomenon, folks who after the shutdown decided they didnât have to get back into the work force. Thatâs not about âliving on government moneyâ. Some families found they can live on a single income. Others are part of the âBig Quitâ, where over 4 million Americans left their old jobs.
I know the American Way: ââŚwork hard, boy, and youâll find, one day youâll have a job like mineâŚâ (Yusef/Cat Stevens â I Might Die Tonight). Dedicate to your âfortyâ, then go find another “twenty” in overtime. But some Americans are finding a better way, one that, as the Gen Xâers say, âbalances work and lifeâ. I donât remember much balance in my work-life, nor my fatherâs. Maybe they are right and we were wrong.
Inflation
So there is a shortage of workers, and thatâs driving wages up. That might be inconvenient at the fast-food restaurant that canât keep workers at low wages, but it means that more people are living at a higher standard. That IS a good thing.
The bugaboo of our rebounding economy is inflation. Thereâs lots of money around, and itâs not all the governmentâs fault. We’ve gone from over 14% unemployment to our current 4.2%, so thereâs lots more money in the pockets of Americans. And the supply chain is trying to catch up with booming sales. All of those new phones and computers, shoes and running suits, cars and trucks; werenât just rolling off the line while we were cooped up in our Covid-free homes. And they donât materialize overnight. Economics 101: when demand for goods is greater than the supply of goods, prices go up and when the supply catches up, prices will level off.
So keep your pants on, and your wallet in your pocket. Inflation will level off soon enough.
Peace on Earth
Itâs Christmas of 2021, and for the first time since 9-11, American forces are not at war, anywhere in the world. The withdrawal from Afghanistan was ugly, but here we are. Eighteen, nineteen and twenty year-olds arenât patrolling the roads looking for IEDâs, and coming home in flag-draped caskets or physically and mentally damaged. Ask Lyndon Johnson: it takes political courage to be the President who said â that’s enough.
The âbad newsâ for 2021 is that 5.6 million children are living in poverty. The good news â that numbers is cut in half from a year ago when 12.5 million were below the poverty line. And that is a direct result of the action of the US President and Congress. Sure it cost money, but how better to spend our tax money than to help children out of poverty?
Identity
There is no question that America is in an âidentity crisisâ. We are a nation in transition, becoming multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and multi-cultural. Like any transition, there are those who want it to happen sooner, and those who are trying to keep it from happening at all. But the reality is that America is not becoming âminority whiteâ and âmajority brownâ. America is becoming majority âdiverseâ. The younger generations donât see race, ethnicity, and religion as the same barricades to life that my fatherâs generation and even my own âBoomersâ saw.
Hereâs an interesting statistic: âAccording to the most detailed of the Census Bureauâs projections, 52 percent of individuals included in the nonwhite majority of 2060 will also identify as whiteâ (Atlantic). Perhaps the racial and ethnic polarizations of 2021 are just growing pains. Maybe, like adolescence, we will âsurviveâ the experience, and come out a more mature nation, less focused on external characteristics and more âintoâ individuals.
Structure
America is already committed to fixing our roads and bridges. We are set on rebuilding our airports, and our electric transmission lines. The government has dedicated over a trillion dollars to updating our infra-structure. Thatâs going to make life better for most Americans, and it will offer even better paying jobs to get it done. When we look forward to our economic future, not only will the âfixesâ make our economy better; but the long-term employment opportunities will be a long-term boost.
And there is more âin the pipelineâ.  The US Senate is poised to pass the Build-Back-Better plan (in whatever form the can finally agree on).  That will rebuild the âsocial safety-netâ that was first established by the Great Society programs of the 1960âs.  It will make a nation that right now is âhavesâ and âhave notsâ – somewhat – less divided. Â
Christmasâs Wishes
And perhaps â just maybe â voting rights are in the works as well. That may be more of a 2022 thing. We can hope.
But all these were started in 2021.  As John F Kennedy said:
âAll this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.â
Genesis was in concert last week, here in Columbus.  Phil Collins now struggles with physical disability, but he can still sing.  But he didnât sing the haunting âIn the Air Tonightâ, that was in his post-Genesis era.
Slide from the Colonel Waldron’s PowerPoint Presentation
Contempt
President Trumpâs Chief of Staff, Mark Meadows, is in contempt of Congress.  Heâs not the first high government official held in contempt.  President Obamaâs Attorney General Eric Holder was the last one in 2012.  Not surprisingly, Holderâs own Justice Department declined to bring criminal charges against him.  But Meadows is in a very different situation.  Evidence, much given to the January 6th Committee by Meadowâs himself, shows that he was in the center of the storm of âStop the Stealâ and the Insurrection. The contempt recommendation moves onto the Biden Justice Department.
The January 6th Committee hasnât held public hearings yet. But they have already released mountains of evidence. Meadows turned over text messages from Congressmen and a PowerPoint presentation on how to overturn the legitimate election. What seemed from the outside like a confused and desperate attempt to keep Trump in the Presidency turns out to be an organized and documented conspiracy. And, as more information is revealed, Mark Meadows is the nexus, just one step away from the final decision maker. As Congresswoman Liz Cheney said so carefully:
âDid Donald Trump, through action or inaction, corruptly seek to obstruct or impede Congress’ official proceeding to count electoral votes?”
Thatâs a direct quote from the US Code (18 U.S. Code § 1505). Conviction under that law carries a penalty of five years in prison and fines. Could Donald Trump go to prison? Maybe, but a felony conviction would disqualify him for public office.
So where do we stand now.
Stop the Steal
We know that in the months before the 2020 election, the Trump Campaign, led by the President, intentionally and consistently sowed the seeds of distrust in the election results. The campaign message was clear: if I lose, itâs because someone else cheated. He questioned any election returns that were counted after election night.
The 2020 election was in a world pandemic. The absolute safest action was to vote by mail. Many states, including those swing states that were so important, had laws prohibiting counting votes before election day. So many millions of mail-in ballots were left unopened until the polls closed on Tuesday night.
Counting mail-in ballots requires a lot more time than those automatically registered at the polls, and it took several days before the final results were in. Meanwhile the Trump Campaign continued to claim election fraud. But every audit of the election results, including those conducted by openly pro-Trump organizations (the Cyber Ninjas in Arizona, for example) found that the election outcomes were accurate.
Recounts
We know that extreme pressures were brought on Republican election officials in swing states like Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Arizona to alter vote counts. The President himself was recorded telling the Secretary of State of Georgia to âfind just enough votesâ for Trump to win. Not only was Mr. Trump openly pressing to alter election results, but Mr. Meadows, and others like Senator Lindsey Graham, pressured election officials to ârigâ the final count for Trump.
A state investigation is already underway in Georgia regarding the White House actions. We donât know whether Federal investigations for election interference are underway, or who targets of those investigations might be. But common sense says the Justice Department must be investigating.
The Big Lie
We all saw the public campaign after the election. Rudy Giuliani was the âfront manâ for âStop the Stealâ, and made a series of catastrophic public speeches. What we didnât know was that much of his information was coming from a former Army Colonel and expert in âpsy-opsâ, Phil Waldron. He published a PowerPoint presentation on election fraud for the âStop the Stealâ campaign. Waldron is linked to Trump National Security Advisor General Mike Flynn, who was convicted and pardoned for lying to the FBI. Flynn and Waldron were part of a group of former and current military officers involved in the âStop the Stealâ movement.
Waldronâs convoluted PowerPoint not only tried to build a case for election fraud, it also outlined a path for âdeclaring a national election emergencyâ and disqualifying all of the mail-in ballots and many electronic votes. Not surprisingly, if all of those votes were disqualified, Trump would win. It also laid out a path for Vice President Pence to overturn the election results on January 6th.
The Legal Case
Waldronâs path to electoral victory was backed by the legal presentation of John Eastman, a former Clarence Thomas clerk and Law School Dean. Eastman determined that Vice President Pence had the power to deny the Electoral votes from those swing states that went to Biden, and either declare a Trump victory, or throw the election to the House of Representatives in a âtie-breakingâ situation (in that scenario Republicans would control the outcome, even though the House itself was majority Democratic).
But Pence was dubious. His own legal advisors were telling him that the Eastman memo was flawed. Even Trump himself was unable to convince Pence to exercise a power he didnât believe the Constitution allowed. We now know that several Congressmen and Senators were also in on the âEastmanâ scheme. But with Pence standing firm, more pressure was required.
The Rally
President Trump invited his supporters to Washington for a âwild timeâ on January 6th.  The rally was timed to pressure the Congress to alter the outcome of the election as they certified the Electoral Votes.  Particularly, the pressure was put on Vice President Pence to follow through with the strategy outlined in the âEastmanâ memo.  Speaker after speaker implored the masses to âfightâ and stand upâ for President Trump, presumably against the Congress.  Then President Trump himself told the crowd to march on down to the Capitol and âtell themâ what you want.
We donât yet know all of the interactions between the Trump White House and the rally organizers. Mark Meadows does. We also donât know whether there was direct planning for the protests on the Capitol building. Meadows did, in a text, promise that the National Guard would protect the âTrump supportersâ. And we donât yet know if there was collusion between the White House and the militant groups that led the actual attack on the Capitol building.
The Cavalry
After the attack began, the Capitol Police Chief, the DC Metro Chief and the Mayor of Washington asked for National Guard assistance.  That assistance was delayed by the Pentagon for over three hours.  Those were the three hours that we all watched the “medieval” battle on the steps of the building, with flags used as staffs to cudgel the police.  We saw the sacred halls of Democracy defiled by the mob.  And the âcavalryâ didnât come to the Hill, not until the damage was done, and the Electoral confirmation was halted.
What we donât know; why the delay? The District National Guard General believes that it was intentional. Did the cabal of former military behind the âStop the Stealâ movement include Mike Flynnâs brother, Lt. General Charles Flynn, a part of the decision making team in the Pentagon stalling the National Guard? National Guard Major General William Walker says that Charles Flynn lied about his actions on January 6th.
Insurrection
How close was the United States to a coup dâĂŠtat?   Was the Insurrection planned, or just a mob pointed in a direction and left to its own devices?   We cannot paper over what happened, just because it wasnât successful.  We owe it to those that lost their lives, the police officers but also those in the âmobâ who were manipulated into an attack.  And itâs not over.  Mr. Trump continues to claim that election was corrupt.  Republicans throughout the nation are using that whole fabrication to justify restrictive voting laws.  Several states have legislated the power to ignore the vote count and determine who won by a vote of the legislature.  Stop the Steal may have been a fraud, but the result of that effort is very real. Â
The mob attacked Congress. No one else is better able to bare the facts of what happened. Itâs not just for history, but for the future of our nation.
There is a Grandfather Clock sitting in our dining room. It really is a family heirloom: it came from Jennâs mother. All of the pieces and parts, the chains and pulleys and weights are there, but it doesnât work. Jenn said the chiming was beautiful but loud, every quarter hour, and the ticking was, of course, incessant. So her Grandfather Clock stands silent against the wall, hands at 3:15, unerringly correct twice a day.
Most flat surfaces in our house have something on them, and the top of the Grandfather Clock is no exception. For years there were garlands from our wedding at the top, and for a while there was an old wireless doorbell. They garlands are now in a drawer, and the wireless doorbell replaced by a âRingâ camera system. So a year and a half ago, the top of the Grandfather Clock was vacant.
Pandemic
And thatâs when Covid hit. We had our last meal out that Sunday, March 15th, two of four customers in a normally crowded tavern. And then we were home. It would be well over a year before we went out to eat again. At first, it was hide in your house. In fact I remember consciously thinking that if it was the outside that was safe. The virus was in people, not âin the airâ. But we had to get groceries, and beer, and that most rare item of all, toilet paper. And to risk human contact, we needed masks.
Originally, I had the masks we used to sand drywall. They werenât designed to restrict viral spread, to my knowledge, but there was a mask shortage and it was the best we could do. Then my niece sent us a stack of N-95 masks, the âhospital standardâ for viral spread prevention. They worked, but it was a struggle. The N-95 were restrictive. They muffled our speech, and werenât comfortable for breathing. So we had them for the times when we might be in a more crowded environment, but they werenât our âgo-toâ masks. There are still some on the Grandfather Clock.
Our next choice was the handmade masks created by our friend, Angie. It was kind of like the ladies who rolled bandages for the soldiers away at the Civil War; there were mask making YouTube videos and family âbubbleâ gatherings to sew masks. Those were more comfortable, but they didnât seal as well. And they had to be tied, so they werenât as convenient. We soon realized that masks were going to be a semi-permanent part of our lives.
Amazon
So we ordered some cloth masks from Amazon, masks that had elastic straps to fit around the ears and metal tabs that could form fit around our noses. And those became our âgo-toâ masks. Whenever we went anywhere, which wasnât very far, we had our cloth masks. They were hanging on the key rack beside the front door, on a hook beside the keys. Whenever we went out to the grocery or to Lowes for whatever house project we were working on, it was grab your mask and keys. And since dogs still got away from home during the pandemic, Jenn was often on the trail of one, and Iâd occasionally tag along.
It was almost like another world, out there âdoggingâ. Gas stations and convenience stores were kind of open, and fast food drive-thru were available. As long as you didnât need a restroom, things were pretty good. And if was good to connect with other human beings, mostly outside, standing over a âhumane trapâ, sharing stories of dogs and life in the pandemic. Those masks are still hanging on the hook.
Vaccines
Come December and the vaccines, it looked like another six months and we might be âoverâ Covid. I purchased paper masks, ones that could be worn, washed a few times, and thrown away. I decided to officiate outdoor track meets, and masks were mandatory even though the meets were outside. As I headed out, there was a paper mask in my right back pocket, opposite the wallet in my left. But by the end of track season in May, the mask orders were being lifted, and at the Regional meet it was OK to go maskless. It was good to see peopleâs faces, and not have to remember to âsmile with my eyesâ because they couldnât see my mouth. The box of masks was on top of the Grandfather Clock.
I think it was mid-June that I considered cleaning off the top of the Clock and throwing all the masks away. We were vaccinated, and it looked like Covid was waning. But then came the Delta Variant, now followed by the Omicron Variant. As the pandemic turns into an endemic, it looks like masks may be a standard apparel item, like a coat or shoes in the December weather.
Time
There are still plenty of masks; paper, cloth, and N-95âs on top of the Grandfather Clock. Itâs a fitting place for them. Masks have bought us time: time to get the vaccine, and time for Covid treatments to improve. Now thereâs talk of a pill, kind of like Tamiflu, that you could take if you tested positive and had mild symptoms. And there are booster shots, maybe every year like the flu shot. What was a deadly risk is becoming âmanageableâ â if folks were willing to take the shot.
But many arenât. So weâll probably need masks again. And they are always available, on the way out the door. Theyâre up on the Grandfather Clock.
I will come as no surprise that I am a history âgeekâ. I participate in some âboardsâ online discussing all sorts of American History, from the Revolution to Afghanistan. Like most discussions in our polarized world today, our current political divisions seep into almost every topic. Do you like George Patton as a military commander? Was he a âgoodâ general who said all of the wrong things, a âleaderâ who slapped an enlisted man, a manipulator who was willing to risk his forces for his own ego? Does he sound like a recent American President?
So it wasnât a surprise that when the topic was about the mechanics of a particular kind of gun, the âtrue-believersâ in the Second Amendment descended in mass to make their point.  That Amendment to the Constitution of the United States is brief: Â
âA Well Regulated Militia, be necessary to the security of a Free State, the right of the People to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringedâ.
Infringing
Their first point was that the Amendment was absolute: ââŚthe rightâŚto keep and bear arms, shall not be infringedâ.    Any regulation of arms, from handguns to automatic weapons is an âinfringementâ.  They believe there is an absolute right to have any type of weapon. Â
Justice Robert Jackson made a common sense argument in 1949 about any Constitutional right:  the Founding Fathers did not write a âsuicide pactâ.  They were well aware that every right had its limitations.  As Justice Holmes said about the First Amendment: “The most stringent protection of free speech would not protect a man in falsely shouting fire in a theatre and causing a panic.”  (By the way, the outcome of that case, US v Schenck, was that the defendant went to jail for criticizing the military draft during World War I and causing âa clear and present dangerâ.   Brandenburg v Ohio redefined that finding).
Both Holmes and Jackson were making the point that no ârightâ is absolute.  The interests of the state in maintaining order and safety must also be weighed in any discussion about ârightsâ.  And the Supreme Cour takes that view about arms. It allows certain weapons to be banned (you canât have your own rocket propelled grenade launcher). And it regulates others like fully automatic weapons that are heavily licensed and taxed.Â
US Code
Usually arguments about the Second Amendment end there â haggling around the extent the government can restrict and control gun ownership.  But in this âboardâ discussion the argument continued over the first clause of the Amendment, that âgood oldâ well-regulated militia.Â
They pointed to the definition of âmilitiaâ as established in US law (10 USC §311):
a) âThe militia of the United States consists of all able-bodied males at least 17 years of age and, except as provided in section 313 of title 32 , under 45 years of age who are, or who have made a declaration of intention to become, citizens of the United States and of female citizens of the United States who are members of the National Guard.
(b)Â âThe classes of the militia are–
1)Â âthe organized militia, which consists of the National Guard and the Naval Militia; âand
(2)Â the unorganized militia, which consists of the members of the militia who are not members of the National Guard or the Naval Militia.
Their simple argument is that every male citizen (or intended citizen) from seventeen to forty-five is âinâ a militia. So they are all entitled to full, unfettered Second Amendment rights.  That was the absolutists âmic dropâ moment.  While they did leave out about half the population (women) they argued that the US Code closes the deal on the idea that somehow the âmilitiaâ clause modifies the âright to bearâ clause.  Every man is âinâ the militia so every man gets âtheir right to bear armsâ.Â
Suicide Pact
James Madison, the author of the Bill of Rights, wasnât a lawyer.  But he did have a Princeton University education, and considered himself a âstudentâ of the law.  And Madison was well aware of the dangers of an âunregulated militiaâ.  Shayâs Rebellion was a âcitizenâs militiaâ attack on the government of Massachusetts. It helped bring about the Constitution in the first place.  And the Whiskey Rebellion against Federal taxes, was going on as he introduced the Bill of Rights to the Congress.
Madison did not waste words in his Constitutional writings.  The term âwell regulatedâ was intentional, to require state control of a what today we would recognize as the National Guard.  And Madison would easily parse the difference between organized state militias, and an unorganized mass of citizens waiting for a draft like the one that Mr. Schenck opposed.  âUnorganizedâ is NOT well regulated. (Now do I get to drop the mic?)
The Winner is – Today
Nope â the mic belongs to the âabsolutistsâ â at least for today.  In the most recent Supreme Court decision on the Second Amendment in 2008 (District of Columbia v Heller), the Court narrowly agreed with the infringement argument.  They detached the militia clause in a five to four decision, saying that it didnât influence the absolute right to bear arms.  And that marked the turn of the Supreme Court towards a more conservative view, one that is playing out today in the current legal debate about the Roe v Wade  and Casey abortion decisions. Â
The debate about militias and the Second Amendment is now âsettled lawâ.  Just like a womenâs right to access abortions. But as we know, when it comes to rights â nothing is settled anymore.  Just hold youâre mic, and youâre breath.
This is the next in the “Sunday Story” series – no politics here – just a story about Mom and Dad and the Nightly News.
Thinking of Mom
I thought a lot about my Mom Thursday night. She passed away ten years ago at the age of ninety-three. Dad and Mom lived a marvelous life, up to the last couple of years. Throughout it all there were âconstantsâ; things that they did every day. One of those was donât go to bed before eleven. They might well have slept on the couch in the family room in front of the TV, Dad probably since eight, but never went to bed, never before the local news came on.
And another of those constants was the network Nightly News. Dad ran a television station in Dayton in the 1960âs, and the Nightly News was part of the business. He watched how his local newscasters did with Ed Hamlin at the anchor and Omar Williams on sports. It was one of the main ways to evaluate the station. The network news brought viewers to the program, and the television business was all about selling advertising. So Dad watched the local and network news religiously. It was the end of his business day, whether he was still at work that late, or already at home.
The Dayton station was an NBC affiliate for most of those years, and the network broadcast was the Huntley-Brinkley Report. Chet Huntley and David Brinkley were âold schoolâ reporters, out of the mold of CBSâs Edward R Murrow and his protĂŠgĂŠ, Walter Cronkite. So NBC was the default choice for news in our household, with the exception of a couple years when Dad switched the Dayton station to ABC. Then it was a young Canadian named Peter Jennings who anchored the network desk.
Anchor Man
But NBC stuck, even when Dad was promoted out of the Dayton station and we moved to corporate headquarters in Cincinnati. Chet Huntley retired, and Brinkley moved to ABC. But we were loyal to the new guy, John Chancellor, who took over the reins. When national crises hit, from Watergate to Presidential elections, it was the NBC crew that talked us through the details.
For a decade starting in 1970 (âWLW-D, Your Stations for the Seventiesâ was the jingle), Chancellor led the way. Then, after a âtryoutâ by Roger Mudd, the younger Tom Brokaw, the Today Show host, took over. He stayed at the anchor desk for twenty-one years, and became the senior mentor of NBC News. My Mom developed a close ârelationshipâ with Tom Brokaw, as he brought every crisis and triumph personally to our family room. But waiting in the wings was Momâs favorite, the White House Correspondent for NBC News, a young, clearly ambitious reporter named Brian Williams.
In the last few Brokaw years it became obvious that Brian was the heir-apparent. There was even a mock âpress conferenceâ with Brokaw as the subject, when Williams stood up and carefully inquired as to Brokawâs health and well-being. It was a joke â but it really wasnât. Williams was ready for the anchor chair, the senior position in NBC News. And after twenty-one years, Brokaw was aging, and more importantly, struggling to annunciate. The night time talk show hosts were putting marbles in their mouths, making fun of him. Still â Tom Brokaw had the gravitas to take us through the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Bush-Gore election, 9-11, and the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The Chair
Brokaw retired from the chair in 2004. He didnât stay retired long, as NBC suffered the incredible loss of their Chief Washington Political Correspondent, Tim Russert, to a massive heart attack in spring. Brokaw took over Meet the Press, and helped lead Mom and the nation through the election of 2004.
But Brian finally had the Nightly News. Mom no longer talked of NBC, or the evening news. She waited to watch Brian.
He led NBC for a decade. Even when Mom was struggling, her lungs calcified and unable to absorb enough oxygen, she still watched âBrianâ every evening. She looked to him for guidance during the hurricanes of 2005, and celebrated with him the election of the first African-American President, and the passage of Obamacare. Mom loved Brian.
Mom passed away in 2011.
Brian Williams had a âmemory conflationâ in 2015. He described a memory of a missile attack on his helicopter in Iraq. But that really didnât happen, and Brian was removed as the NBC anchor. Lester Holt took over.
There was lots of discussion at the time about why Brian Williams did that. Was he just embellishing stories to make himself more important? Had he been warned so starkly in the war zone, that somehow the warning became an âeventâ in his mind? Or had he described that exact same event so many times, that it became a real âthingâ for him, an experience he thought he actually had? He too became fodder for the late night monologues.
Exile on Cable
After six months, Brian came back â but not to the Nightly News desk. He was exiled to cable, the âbreaking newsâ anchor whenever MSNBC went live to an event. He was doing school shootings, hurricanes, and tornadoes, directing coverage and commentary from New York. Seemingly, he wasnât allowed to leave Rockefeller Center, virtually strapped to the anchor chair.
And then the election of 2016 got so convoluted, that MSNBC needed someone to summarize the daily events for their viewers. Brian began a new program, The 11th Hour from 11 to midnight. And for the last five years, Brian Williams helped to detangle the Trump Administration and the world. He brought in the experts, from historians to commentators to doctors, to declassify all of the craziness that was Trump, Impeachment, Covid and now the Biden Administration. Brian became our nightly ritual, instead of the comedians. I learned a lot from him between 11 and 12, even if I seldom actually saw the end of his show.
Brian Williams signed off The 11th Hour for the last time Thursday night. He says heâs headed into real retirement, but that remains to be seen. I stayed awake to listen to others praise him, and hear Brianâs final words as an NBC anchor. And at the end, I thought how sad Mom would be.
This is a part of the âOutside My Windowâ series in Our America. No great political observations, just whatâs going on â today literally outside my window.
Sunrise in Pataskala
Back to Normal?
Jenn, our son and I went to see a concert in downtown Columbus last night. It was the band Genesis with Phil Collins, on probably their last tour. Collins has a deteriorating nerve condition, and performs from a chair at the front of the stage. He was the original drummer for the band, and taking over the drum set was always a part of his persona. Now he canât do that. But he can still sing, and his twenty year old son Nic has taken over on the drums. Itâs a passing of the torch â the son honoring his fatherâs skill. And itâs still a really good concert with three of the original Genesis members, old school mates Collins, Tony Banks on the keyboards and Mike Rutherford on guitar.
Itâs another part of my âDahlman Concert Tourâ, seeing the great performers of the past before itâs too late. This fall thatâs included outdoor concerts with the Rolling Stones and Billy Joel. But Genesis is the first time indoors since the pandemic changed the world. Next up: James Taylor and Jackson Browne.
Going to a concert downtown is such a ânormalâ thing to do, but itâs been such a long time since we could. There was dinner âdowntownâ, and walking the streets of the âbig cityâ. Then we were in in the crowd on the floor of Nationwide Arena, taking pictures, drinking beer, with the normal wafting of concert marijuana smoke after the lights went down. We were on our feet for more than two hours for the show: so very normal, and exciting.
Genesis in Concert
Back to the Pack
This meant a late night both for the three of us, and for our pack of friends at home. The five dogs did their sleeping while we were gone. So there was midnight dinner (our Lab Atticus was too nervous to eat), then a romp outside, and a couple of hours of chasing around the house in the middle of the night. They didnât calm down until two in the morning.
But our elder statesman, Buddy, is the âkeeper of the clockâ when it comes to breakfast. He was lenient this morning, letting us âsleep inâ until 6:45. Then it was time to get up and get breakfast â the late night was my problem, not his! (Buddy, by the way, just went back to bed here at 8 am, the prerogative of an old border collie/shepherd mix I guess).
But I need to thank Buddy later today. He got us up for a beautiful sunrise here in Pataskala, the reddened sky peaking over the Christmas lights of this little town. It was worth the lost sleep to witness it, and it recalls one of my Momâs old English sayings:
âRed sky at night, sailorâs delight, Red sky at morning, sailors take warning.â
Warning
What should we âbe warnedâ about? That could be quite a list. Maybe itâs the weather, the temperature has been in the twenties, but will hit sixty by Saturday, with rain coming. A mud mess for the âpackâ in the backyard, Iâm afraid. Or maybe itâs the Omicron variant of Covid, so much more infective than the Delta variant which was more than the âoriginalâ. To use another one of Momâs expression, I feel like weâre waiting for the âother shoe to dropâ on Covid. We might be playing with fire when it comes to dinners and concerts â flirting with normalcy in an wholly abnormal world.
Or maybe itâs the economy, or the Russian troops on the Ukrainian border, or any of the other national or world crises we face.
Thereâs plenty to worry about, as our Lab Atticus can tell you. But thereâs good news as well. My ears are still ringing from Phil Collins and the group; Iâm glad weâre able to have those experiences again. And thereâs plenty of coffee in the house. Other than getting the Christmas tree up (and fortified from the puppy CeCe) thereâs not too much on our plate today.
Maybe a red sky in the morning is just a beautiful way to begin a new day.
We have a precipitous divide in American politics. The numbers are available, stark, and essentially terrifying. More than twenty million American voters believe the 2020 election was stolen from Donald J. Trump. They know it in their hearts: it was stolen, cheated, ripped off. To use a football analogy, ââŚwe won on the field, but lost on the scoreboardâ. And not because the other team scored more points. No, they lost on the scoreboard because someone rigged the board to give more points for the other teamâs touchdowns, and less points for theirs.
They believe, because it’s a âprophecy fulfilledâ.  Their leaders, with the 45th President of the United States in front, convinced them that if he lost, the election was stolen.  The âground was softenedâ by years of preparation, from even before the 2016 election.  They could not trust the outcome, nor the counters, nor the ballots themselves.  They could not trust that their vote for Trump was counted for Trump.  The Democrats, or the Chinese, or the George Soros himself rigged the system.Â
They arenât the only ones who questioned the election process.  Those of us who voted for Hillary Clinton asked some of the same questions after the 2016 results.  Over two years later in April of 2019 as the Russiagate scandal broke, I wrote about those doubts in Put On My Foil Hat. But since even the âdoubtersâ could never find final proof, most never crossed the line into âtrue-believersâ.  But the twenty million have.
De-Construction
Steve Bannon, the âSvengaliâ behind the plan, called it âDe-Constructionâ of the government. I wrote about it over four years ago in November of 2017, (The Bully and Bannon). But even as I did, I didnât understand the full import of his goals. When Bannon said donât trust government, he didnât make a distinction between Federal, State or Local. He didnât even divine out Republicans versus Democrats. It wasnât until November of 2020, when the âStop the Stealâ movement turned on Republicans running local and state election offices across the country, that I realized the full depth of his âDe-Constructionâ plan.
If everything is corrupt, then it should be no problem that Trump, the sitting President, was on the phone with the chief election official in Georgia demanding âjust enoughâ votes to win.  Because, according to him, itâs all rigged anyway, so rig it for me.  And since the counters are all crooked; they deserve the threats and the screamers, the folks with semi-automatic weapons parading on the sidewalks outside of their homes. Â
Seventy-Seven Minutemen
And speaking of weapons, the twenty million need to arm themselves.  There will come a day when their weapons may be needed to make sure their “truthâ is revealed.  Itâs no mistake that Stop the Steal and the Second Amendment are totally intertwined.  The idea: Donât let them get your guns; itâs the only way you will be able to fight back. Bannon doesn’t believe  âThe Establishmentâ will go down without a fight. There were Seventy-seven Minuteman on the Lexington Green. They started the American Revolution.  Itâs the true import of the âDonât Tread on Meâ flag.  So be ready.
Thatâs because itâs really true. The guy down the street from me is ready to hold his AR-15 up against the 82nd Airborne para-roping from the Black Helicopters. Itâs like a scene from the original Red Dawn, as the brat pack of Patrick Swayze, C Thomas Howell, Jennifer Gray and Charlie Sheen stood up against the entire Soviet Army. They believe it. And they have legal armories where they practice, right down the road, right out in the open, because it IS legal to do so.
Gospel According to Fox
That inherent mistrust, fueled by years of Fox News and other propaganda spread like a slow pandemic. And  when the real pandemic hit, the logic became convoluted.  President Trump seemed to lose the election because of Covid, so Biden won because of Covid, so anything he does to stop Covid is benefitting his illegitimate Presidency, so donât get vaccinated.  And since Fox and the rest can provide âfactsâ and “experts” to back why vaccines donât work, they have their âproofâ.Â
The Alternative to the gospel of Bannon, otherwise known as the mainstream media, are part of the âConstructed Establishmentâ.  So donât believe, donât listen, donât even engage with those that mistakenly trust what the AP or New York Times or other independent news organizations might say.  As one of my friends once told me; âdo you wonder why no one reads your âblogsâ anymore?â  I donât wonder, I see the statistics behind each essay.  I know people read my essays.  But the early years of great debates about Trump World, mostly on Facebook, are over.  Donât engage, because it might cause you to question.Â
A Rising Tide
They are âtrue believersâ.  Donât underestimate their power, will and desire.  After 2016, they thought they had it made. When the 2020 vote came in, they reacted. But January 6th was a small disorganized protest compared to whatâs coming.  Now, their power is represented by the co-opted Republican Party.  They are legally rigging the states, so that Trump/Republican legislatures can LEGALLY overturn the vote of the people.  And come 2024, they will be so much better prepared, and financed, and determined. Â
Democrats do have a chance to counter at least the âlegalâ rigging of the state elections.  But that chance is right now, and will quickly slip away unless action is taken.  The House is ready, the President is sort of ready, but the Senate is not.  So many of our nationâs critical issues are dependent on two votes in the Senate.  And there is no sense that those votes will come, even though they claim to be Democrats. Â
But donât be fooled â even if the voting and election certification issues are fixed, there are still twenty million true believers. That won’t change, even as Democrats get excited about Build Back Better and the January 6th Committee.  Like standing at the edge of the sea, the sand is slipping beneath their feet, and the tide is rising.  Will Democrats happily watch our boats go to the horizon, enjoying the view â until we drown?
Ethan Crumbley was a fifteen year old sophomore at Oxford High School in the Detroit exurbs. His parents gave him an early Christmas present the weekend after Thanksgiving, a semi-automatic pistol. His Mom took him to the shooting range so he could enjoy it. And on Tuesday, November 30th 2021, Ethan put the semi-automatic pistol and several clips of ammunition in his backpack, and took them to school. Later in the day, he attacked his fellow students and teachers. Four students were killed, seven more students and a teacher were wounded.
16 Year Old Hero
Before we go any farther into this tragedy, we need to recognize a hero. Tate Myre was a sixteen year old junior, and a star running back on the football team. The weekend before the shooting, he visited the University of Toledo as a scholarship prospect. When Crumbley started firing, Tate charged, trying to stop the shooter. Tate was shot several times, and died in a police car on the way to the hospital. But his actions bought other studentsâ time to get away. He saved lives, at the cost of his own.
A Threat
On Monday, a teacher was disturbed to observe Ethan searching for ammunition on his cell phone. The next day, the day of the shooting, a note was found on his desk. It had a drawing of a gun, a bullet, and a bleeding victim, and the words ââŚthe thoughts wonât stop, help meâ. The teacher did exactly the right thing: Ethan was sent to the office. The administrators called the parents in for a conference, and required that Ethan receive counseling within forty-eight hours. They suggested that the parents take Ethan home.
But the parents demanded that Ethan stay in school. We donât know how that conversation went, yet, but clearly administrators didnât feel they had âenoughâ to require Ethanâs removal from school. And, they either didnât think of it, or felt they couldnât, do a search of Ethan and his backpack, the backpack with a gun and ammunition clips. And they didnât call in additional social services, or call the police.
We also donât know if they asked the obvious question: does Ethan have access to weapons, particularly guns. If they did, we donât know if Ethan or the parents lied or told the truth about his new present. Certainly Ethan didnât tell them the gun was right there, in the office, in his backpack. So Ethan went back to class, and ultimately, four students died and six more and a teacher were wounded.
What Would We Do
I was the Dean of Students at a suburban high school for eight years. If I was working in Oxford High School, Ethan and his parents likely would have been in my office.
What would we have done? So the note, the pictures and the cry for help, would have been considered a threat. That creates the âreasonable suspicionâ that a school legally needs to act. In our situation, probably the entire administrative staff, the Principal and the Assistant Principal and the Dean would have been involved. We also would have called in the School Resource Officer (SRO), the Sheriffâs Deputy assigned to our school, in the years when one was available.
I retired in 2014. While there were political divides then, the current climate is far more polarized than it was even seven years ago. So we donât know what the conversation with the Crumbleyâs was like. We donât know if the Second Amendment was mentioned. We donât know how concerned the Administrators of Oxford High School were with parent complaints, and student removals. And finally, we donât know if Ethan was a student with a status which made it difficult to remove him from the school building.
Reasonable Suspicion
But I do know what would have happened in our office. One of us, probably me, would have searched Ethanâs pockets, and his coat, and his locker, and for damn sure, his backpack. He made an identifiable threat, on paper, and asked for help. Our staff, including the SRO, would want to do everything to help him. But first, we would have made sure he was safe, and so were our students and staff.
And if the parents refused to allow the search? Then a couple of things would have happened. The SRO could have raised the threat to a legal issue, and then handled at as a police matter. In the years when we didnât have an SRO on site, a Deputy would have been called in. Here in Licking County we have deputies specially trained in crisis intervention.
Or we would have done an âemergency removalâ, requiring the parents to take Ethan home. There might have been yelling and screaming. Things might be ugly. But Ethan would have gone home, and those ten students and a teacher would have been safe, at least for Tuesday. And then the Sheriffâs Department would have been notified, and they would have done a âhome checkâ.
Hindsight
I can imagine how the Oxford High School administrators are feeling right now. No matter how you look at it, they failed the most important mission they have for their students, to keep them safe. They must be devastated, perhaps beyond recovery. They not only have to live with their failure, but also with the national scrutiny of their actions, including by armchair quarterbacks like me. But I have been in their position. There are lots of pressures: parents, school boards, district office staff, local, state and national politics. But none of that compares with their duty to stop what happened in the halls of Oxford High School on Tuesday.
I guess you have to be a âcertain ageâ to remember those old movies. I certainly donât remember them from the theatre, but on Saturday afternoons or late in the night, they were on TV. They were âfilm noireâ and some of the favorites of my parentsâ generation. But for me they were grainy, black and white cops and robbers films, with an anti-hero as a criminal or a shady detective, who always had a âfemme fataleâ on his arm.
The great players of Mom and Dadâs generation were all there: Humphrey Bogart and Lauren Becall, Burt Lancaster and Ava Gardner, Robert Mitchum and Jane Greer, William Holden and Gloria Swanson, Orson Welles and Joan Crawford. They had offices in seedy buildings, chain smoked and talked out of the side of their mouths, and double crossed each other time and time again. The cops were often as bad as the criminals, and there was no such thing as a âhappy endingâ.
And no one ever got to âtake the Fifthâ. They were shot, or tricked, or a confession was âsweated outâ of them under the swinging light hanging from a single cord. Getting justice wasnât usually the issue, revenge was. And the moral of the story â there might not be any morals in the world at all.
US Constitution
So what is the Fifth?
The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution outlines the rights of someone accused of a crime. The portion weâre concerned with is:
â No personâŚshall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself.â
In our criminal process, no one can be required to answer questions or make statements that could incriminate themselves, that is, help prove their guilt. Itâs such an important part of our Constitutional process that, since 1966, each time law enforcement questions a suspect, the officer is required to notify the suspect that they do not have to answer questions â the famous Miranda Rights from the Supreme Court case of the same name. âYou have the right to remain silent, anything you say can and will be used against you in a Court of Law.â
And the Fifth Amendment right crosses over to almost every government interaction with the public. A Congressional Committee can require a witness to answer questions. But they cannot require that the witness âconfessâ to a crime. So it shouldnât be a surprise that some former Trump officials are seeking the protection of the Fifth Amendment. In fact, the surprise is that they took so long to do so.
âTaking the Fifthâ is NOT a confession. In fact, juries are instructed that they cannot infer guilt because someone refused to testify, invoking their Fifth Amendment right. Itâs a right every American has, guilty, innocent, or somewhere in between (like the Film Noire anti-heroes).
Executive Privilege
There are several laws they may have been violated by the Trump Administration and their supporters in the two months after the 2020 election. Certainly those who led the crowds to attack the Capitol on January 6th are likely candidates for criminal charges. And the âleadersâ who developed the entire strategy of trying to undermine and overturn the 2020 election results may have criminal exposure.
When former Assistant Attorney General Jeffrey Clark was called to testify in front of the January 6th Committee, his first defense of âexecutive privilegeâ was unlikely. That law is clear: executive privilege, the idea that a President ought to be able to get confidential advice, only applies to the current executive.
Clark, and the âlegal mind” behind âStop the Stealâ, attorney John Eastman, now realize that they may have broken the law. So their best bet, and most effective way to avoid questions, is to âTake the Fifthâ. And they have every right to do so.
Money Talks
So why didnât they do that in the first place? Why start on a shaky legal foundation, the âprivilegeâ argument, when they had firm footing in the Fifth Amendment? The answer lives at Mara Lago in Florida. While legally âtaking the Fifthâ doesnât imply guilt, in the mind of the general public, someone who does must be hiding something. Invoking the Fifth Amendment raises the question of criminality, that somewhere in their actions laws were broken. And, of course, the man in Mara Lago cannot stand the concept that something in âStop the Stealâ was illegal.
And this isnât just a legal question, itâs a financial one as well. Those lawyers sitting beside the witness get paid, probably $500 an hour. Someone has to pick up the tab. All of these potential witnesses needr help for legal fees, and the obvious answer is the hundreds of millions raised by the Trump Campaign of 2020 and 2024. Implying crime is not a way to reach those funds.
Immunity
However, unlike the shaky âprivilegeâ argument, the Fifth Amendment protection does have one vulnerability. The Fifth only applies if there is a risk of criminal action. So the January 6th Committee has the ultimate âcureâ to the Fifth. Like every Congressional Committee, they have the power to grant immunity from prosecution. Once immunity is granted, then the Fifth Amendment no longer applies.
Immunity can be transactional, question by question, or it can be âblanketâ over an entire testimony. There are often questions a witness can answer that do not incriminate, and those donât need to be âimmunizedâ. That high priced lawyer sitting beside the witness has âjust one jobâ: to make sure that if an answer will be incriminating, the witness either âTakes the Fifthâ or gets immunity for the answer.
The question for the Committee: if everyone gets immunity, the Committee gets answers but no justice; no one to take responsibility for what happened in those two fateful months. But if no one gets immunity, there will be a lot of information that never comes out. And thatâs problem the Committee members will need to solve.
Like those old films, there probably wonât be a âheroâ on the witness stand (and no femme fatale). No matter what the Committee reveals, thereâs not likely to be a happy ending either. But, unlike Film Noire, the Committee may get justice.
The United States Supreme Court heard oral arguments on the case Dobbs v Jackson Womenâs Health Organization this week. It is a direct challenge to Roe v Wade, the 1973 case that allowed women to legally access abortions throughout the United States up through twenty weeks of pregnancy. The essence of the Dobbs argument, was that Roe was âwrongly decidedâ by the â73 Court, when it discerned a Constitutional right of women to control their own bodies. The state of Mississippi (Dobbs) argued that the United States Constitution is âneutralâ on the that issue, and therefore their state should be able to regulate it under the Tenth Amendment as âa power not delegatedâ to the Federal government.
There is a singular reason why Mississippi brought this direct challenge to Roe: the changes in the Justices who will decide the case. Due to two deaths, a resignation, and the machinations of Mitch McConnell; President Donald Trump was able to appoint three Justices to the nine judge panel. All three were historically against Roe, but pledged âloyaltyâ to the precedents set by prior Courts. Now that they are âin the chairâ though, their arguments demonstrate a willingness to throw the Roe decision out. Along with two already sitting Justices, they have a five vote majority.
Legal Weeds
The politics aside, the Court is on the cusp of making a major change in direction.  The âdiscerned rightâ of women to control their bodies is only one case. There’s a series of decisions made by the Court about greater personal freedoms, all based on similar legal reasoning.  The Court reasoned that States could not ban interracial marriage (Loving v Virginia), use of birth control (Griswold v Connecticut),  abortions (Roe v Wade and Casey v Planned Parenthood), homosexual activity (Romer v Evans) and most recently gay marriage (Obergefell v Hodges). Â
The basic argument is that the Constitution contains a right to privacy and to equal protection under the law.  Since that right is in the Constitution, the individual states do not have the authority to control those private behaviors.  Mississippi is directly challenging that concept. If the Court accepts the reasoning, all of these other precedents are at risk as well.  It doesnât mean that abortions, interracial marriages, gay marriages, birth control or homosexual activity could become âillegalâ nationwide.  But it could mean that individual states would regulate those actions differently, depending on the state.
Divided America
We already see that occurring with abortion laws in the United States. In many states, the legislatures are dominated by those who want abortions completely banned. Some of those states have done everything they could, within the scope of the Roe and Casey decisions, to regulate abortions from within their borders. Missouri and Texas, have succeeded. Other states recognize the âspiritâ of Roe and Casey, and only regulate abortions after the 20th week of pregnancy, when the baby could survive outside of the mother.
We saw the same thing prior to the Obergefell decision, where some states allowed gay marriage, some states established a second form of âunionâ to encompass it, and many states, like Ohio, went out of their way to pass laws banning same-sex unions.  A couple could be married in Massachusetts or in a âunionâ in Vermont, but their relationship was not recognized in Ohio or Kentucky. Â
Let Freedom Ring
This case is an outgrowth of the great crisis that America is facing today.  We are a nation of change.  The dominant majority of âwhite peopleâ will no longer be the majority in a few years.  The United States has always prided itself as a nation of immigrants. But when those immigrants stopped looking like âeveryone elseâ, they were perceived by some to be a threat. Â
I can sit in a classroom today in little Pataskala, Ohio, and have students who are Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist, and Sikh; as well as Southern Baptist, Catholic, Presbyterians, Lutherans, a couple of Jewish kids and a whole lot of non-believers.  Even this âwhite ‘Christian’ suburban communityâ has changed.Â
Also in that high school classroom are straight kids, gay kids, trans kids, and lots of kids who donât âidentifyâ.   For some in America, all of this change is incredibly threatening.  It challenges their vision of what âAmericaâ should âlook likeâ and âact likeâ.  Their state legislatures are enforcing that vision of human behavior. And they are threatened by women choosing to have abortions.
Who Decides What to Believe
Their argument is that they are protecting a life by preventing abortion.  And they have every right to have that belief.  The question the Supreme Court answered in Roe and all of these other cases, is that âpersonal beliefsâ should not be enforceable by law when they are about private behavior.  The Roe decision carefully parsed when the state had an interest in the growing fetus, and determined that its rights outweighed the privacy rights of the mother only after it could physically survive outside her womb. Â
If a pregnant woman believes that she should protect that life and carry to term, thatâs her choice.  If she determines that she does not want to do so, and itâs the 20th week or before, then the Court said she can make that choice as well.  The Roe decision said that the individual state legislatures shouldnât be able to determine her choice for her. Â
Consequences
Itâs likely that the Supreme Court will overturn Roe v Wade.  Thirty or more states will say what the âcorrectâ belief is, and ban most abortions.  But donât think that âcorrect-nessâ will stop there. Â
What we thought were âinherentâ rights of Americans to be themselves, love who they want, and have their own personal beliefs, may all be at stake.